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Category: Third Reich

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Exterminationism Kali Yuga Kalki Souvenirs et réflexions d'une aryenne (book) Third Reich

Reflections of an Aryan woman, 102

Perhaps the last great collective Aryan creation in the West was that of the German Third Reich, with the architects of the new Chancellery and the Nuremberg Stadium; the sculptors Arno Brecker and Kolbe, and the interpreters of Wagner—in particular, the extraordinary conductor Fürtwangler. It was the result of a prodigious upsurge of the whole of Germany, under the inspiration of the supreme artist, Adolf Hitler, against the tide of world decadence. This momentum was abruptly interrupted, after only six years, by England’s declaration of war on Germany, immediately followed by the familiar coalition of hatred, under the overt or subtle leadership of the Jews.

 

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Editor’s note: This is where Savitri and many white nationalists fail, in that the leadership actually came from the American ethno-traitors (see what I said yesterday about John Mearsheimer). That doesn’t mean that Jewry is non-guilty. It means that Jewry was always a minor player compared to the anti-German initiative of the Anglo-Americans. (The best metaphor I can think of is a poison in which the active ingredient is provided by the ethno-traitors, and the catalyst that accelerates that poison by the Jews.)

 

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Everything that the non-German West has produced recently that is truly great—in France, for example, the work of a Robert Brasillach, a Henry de Montherlant, a Céline, a Benoît-Méchin, a Saint-Loup—has been, in one way or another, affected by the spirit of the Reich. There is, moreover, from one end to the other, a deep pessimism like a prescience of the inevitable death or the ‘decline of the West’ already announced by Spengler.

And the East is no better. It lives on its traditional wisdom; it performs its immutable rites and quotes its sacred scriptures whose content is older than prehistory since it is truth itself—non-human truth. But it doesn’t seem to have the strength to draw from it anything to regenerate from top to bottom. (It is, I remind you, a Hindu minority, as well as a European one, and a minority without political influence, alas, that has understood what eternal link exists between Hitlerism and the Doctrine of violent action in absolute detachment, as preached by Lord Krishna to the Aryan warrior Arjuna, in the Bhagawad-Gita).

I have, on the other hand, now, in 1971, found in India more echoes than ever of the expression of my passionate expectation of the Kalki avatar, and the end of the Dark Age. Others await it as I do, and they too don’t feel that there is anything to deplore at the thought of the end of man—except for those few whom the last divine Incarnation will welcome as collaborators, deeming them worthy to open with Him the Golden Age of the next Cycle.

There is no reason to be saddened by the idea that the innumerable ugliness that we see spreading everywhere, on every continent, will one day be definitively swept away along with those who have produced them, encouraged or tolerated them, and who continue to produce new ones.

There is no need to be saddened by the fear that the old and beautiful human creations—the Pyramids of Giza, the Parthenon, the temples of South India, Ellora, Angkor, Chartres Cathedral—may well be swept away along with them, in the colossal fury of the End.

The ugliness that man has accumulated, the desecrations of the Earth of which even the best races have been guilty in this century of universal decay, neutralise by far all that the genius of the Ancients has produced that is greatest and most beautiful. They make us forget the winged bulls of Babylon and Assyria, the friezes of the Greek temples and the Byzantine mosaics, and tip the scales in favour of the disappearance of the human species.

Moreover, eternal works no longer belong in today’s world. We don’t even see them anymore. The ugly glass and steel buildings for offices, erected recently in the centre of Athens around the Place de la Constitution, completely hide the view of the Acropolis from anyone standing in the square. The frame of the four-thousand-year-old cities is destroyed. Lycabettos, three-quarters stripped of its beautiful pine forest, is no longer Lycabettos in the eyes of those who knew and loved it fifty years ago.

And so it is everywhere. It is, or will be tomorrow on a planetary scale, the realisation of the sacrilegious dream of Descartes and all the devotees of anthropocentrism. It is the triumph of the immense human anthill over the savannah, the desert, all the terrestrial spaces where the superior man could still be alone and, through visible beauty and contact with the innocence of private life of the word, commune with the eternal.

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3-eyed crow Adolf Hitler Kali Yuga Souvenirs et réflexions d'une aryenne (book) Third Reich

Reflections of an Aryan woman, 83

The leaders who have led, or will lead, some phase of the eternal struggle ‘against Time’ after the limit point where a last great recovery would still have been possible—after what Virgil Ghéorghiou calls ‘the twenty-fifth hour’—, haven’t been able and won’t be able to leave behind them anything in this visible and tangible world, except a handful of clandestine disciples.

And these have, and will have, nothing to look forward to—except the coming of Kalki; or the Saoshyant of the Zoroastrians, the Maitreya Buddha of the Buddhists, the glorious fighting Christ as expected by the Christians at his ‘second coming’,[1] the Mahdi of the Mohammedans, the immortal Emperor of the Germans surging forth, armed, from his enigmatic Cave at the head of his avenging Knights. He who returns for the last time in our cycle has many names. But He is the same under all of them.

Now He is known by His action, that is, by His victory over all, followed by the dazzling dawn of the next cycle: the new Satya Yuga, or Age of Truth.

The defeat in this world of a Leader who fought against universal decadence, and therefore against the very meaning of Time, is enough to prove that this Leader, however great he may have been, was not Him. He may well have been Him in essence: the eternal Saviour, not of ‘man’ but of Life who ‘returns’ innumerable times. But he was certainly not Him, in the ultimate form in which He must reappear at the end of every cycle.

Adolf Hitler was not Kalki, though he was, essentially speaking, the same as the ancient Rama Chandra, or the historical Krishna, or Siegfried, or the Prophet Mohammed, the Leader of a true ‘holy war’ (i.e., of a ceaseless struggle against the Forces of disintegration; against the Forces of the abyss). He was, like every great Fighter against the current of Time, a Forerunner of Kalki. He was, still in essence, the Emperor of the Cave. With him the latter reappeared, intensely awake and in arms, as he had reappeared before in the person of various great German leaders, especially Frederick II of Prussia, whom Adolf Hitler so revered. But this was not his last and final reappearance in this cycle.

In both cases he had awakened to the sound of the distress of his people. Carried away by the enthusiasm of the action, he had, with his faithful barons, dashed a few steps out of the cave.

Then he returned to the shadows, the Omniscient Ravens having told him that it was, despite impressive signs, ‘not yet the time’.

Frederick II founded the Old Prussian Lodges, through which the more-than-human truth was to continue to be passed on to a few generations of initiates after him. Adolf Hitler left his admirable Testament, in which he too exhorts the best to keep their blood pure, to resist the invasion of error and lies—of the counter-Tradition—and to wait.

He knew that the ‘twenty-fifth hour’ had come, and long ago. At the age of sixteen, as I have already mentioned, he had a premonition of his own materially useless but necessary struggle.

As a German, as an Aryan, a man conscious of the excellence of the Aryan race, although he was an integral part of it, he was eager to defeat the world arrayed against him and his people. He was striving with all his strength, with all his genius, for the building of a superior and lasting society, a visible reflection of the cosmic order, the Reich of his dreams.

And he was striving against all hope, against all reason, in an inordinate effort to stop at all costs the levelling, the dumbing down, the disfigurement of the most beautiful and gifted variety of men; to prevent forever its reduction to the state of a mass without race and character. And he struggled, with all the bitterness of an artist, against the shameless destruction of the living and beautiful natural environment, in which he rightly saw an increasingly patent sign of the imminent victory of the Forces of disintegration.

His irrational confidence in an in extremis salvation using the ‘secret weapon’; his feverish expectation, under burning Berlin, of the entry into action of ‘General Wenck’s army’, which had long since ceased to exist, are reminiscent, in dramatic absurdity, whatever Christians may think, of Christ’s attitude in Gethsemane, praying that the chalice of suffering, which he had come to drink to the dregs, might be removed from his lips.

Adolf Hitler—since he was a combatant against Time, whose kingdom, if it belonged to the eternal, was also ‘of this world’—clung to the illusion of total victory and, despite everything, of an immediate recovery to the end. He clung to it, I repeat, as a German and as a man. As an insider, he knew that this was an illusion, that it was ‘too late’ already in 1920. He had seen it, on that extraordinary night on top of Freienberg in 1905. And the real leaders of the ‘Black Order’—in particular those of the Ahnenerbe, aware as he was of the inevitability of the cycle that was nearing its end—were already preparing, before 1945, the clandestine survival of the essential, beyond the collapse of National Socialist Germany.

And we who follow them and him also know that there will never be a Hitlerian civilisation.

No, hope no more to see us again,
Sacred walls that could not preserve my Hector.

I remember this verse that Racine puts in the mouth of Andromache, in scene IV of the first act of his tragedy of that name. And I think that the grandiose parades to the rhythm of the Horst Wessel Lied, under the folds of the red, white and black swastika standard, and all that glory that was the Third German Reich, the nucleus of a pan-Aryan Empire, are as irrevocably past as the splendours of prestigious Troy; as ‘past’ and as immortal, because one day Legend will recreate them, when epic poetry is again a collective need.

He who returns from age to age, both destroyer and preserver, will appear again at the very end of your cycle, to open to the best the Golden Age of the next cycle. As I have recalled in these pages, Adolf Hitler was waiting for it. He said to Hans Grimm in 1928: ‘I know that I am not the One who is to come’, that is, the last and only fully victorious Man against Time of our cycle. ‘I only take on the most urgent task of preparation (die dringlichste Vorarbeit), for there is no one to do it’.

One incommensurably harder than he will accomplish the final task—the task of rectification—on the ruins of a humanity that believed all was permitted because it is endowed with a brain capable of calculations, and which largely deserved its fall and its loss.

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[1] The Deuteria Parousia spoken of by the Greek Orthodox Church.

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Adolf Hitler Hinduism Souvenirs et réflexions d'une aryenne (book) Third Reich

Reflections of an Aryan woman, 78

I have always, however, been pleasantly struck by the understanding I have encountered, as a Hitlerite, among orthodox Hindus of all castes.

I related at the beginning of these talks the episode of the young Shudra, with the beautiful historical name of Khudiram, who showed more sense of true values—and a more accurate appreciation of Adolf Hitler’s role—than all the Democrats of Europe and America put together. I have also quoted Satyananda Swami, the founder of the Hindu Mission, for whom, however, the creation of a common Hindu front against the clutches of Islam, Christian missionaries, and Communism, counted even more than strict observance of orthodoxy. The latter held our Führer to be ‘incarnation of Vishnu—the only one in the West’.

I could, on this subject, multiply my recollections and recall for example that admirable Brahmin of Poona, Pandit Rajwadé, so versed in the work of Nietzsche as in the sacred texts (which he commented on, twice a week, before a narrow circle of disciples) and who professed the deepest admiration for ‘the chakravarti king [universal ruler] of Europe’ who had come to ‘re-establish the true order’ in a world adrift. I could relate the words of another unusual man—less literate perhaps, but gifted with a strange power of clairvoyance—whom I met at the beginning of the war in a friendly family, of which he was the guru or spiritual master. This wise man said to me: ‘Your Führer can only be victorious because the gods themselves dictate his strategy. Every night he divides himself into two and comes here to the Himalayas to receive instructions’.

I wondered what Adolf Hitler would have thought of this unexpected explanation of the German army’s victories. I then said to the holy man:

‘It is, in this case, unquestionable that he will win the war.’

‘No’ he replied, ‘for there will come a time when his generals will reject his divine inspiration and disobey him—will betray him!’

And he added: ‘It cannot be otherwise; if he is an Incarnation, he is not the supreme Incarnation—the last of this cycle’—Alas!

(City of joy: Calcutta by Samir Barman.) But that’s not all. How could I forget the atmosphere of the orthodox Hindu families with whom I am most familiar? That, for instance, of the house of one of my brothers-in-law, then still living, and a physician at Medinipur, [1] with whom I was staying during the Norwegian and early French campaigns? They all enthusiastically accepted my suggestion to go to the temple of the Goddess Kali—to the ‘House of Kali’ as we say in Bengali—to give thanks to the One who both blesses and kills for the triumphal advance of the soldiers of great German Reich.

We went in procession, carrying offerings of rice, sugar, flour, fruit, garlands of scarlet flowers—in the absence of the bloody sacrifice which the family rejected as much as I did. I can still see myself, surrounded by young people who were also proud of their Aryan ancestry, standing before the terrible Image with the curved sword. Inhaling the smoke of the incense, lulled by the haunting musicality of Sanskrit liturgical formulas, I sometimes closed my eyes to better see in my mind’s eye, like a grandiose fresco, the parade of German armoured vehicles along the roads of Europe.

I lived intensely my role as a link between the oldest living Aryan civilisation in the East and this Aryan West that Adolf Hitler was conquering to return it to itself and regenerate it. Then I looked at my nephews and nieces, and the young Brahmins, their neighbours and fellow students, who had accompanied me. And I dreamed of the day when I would finally see the new Emperor—the eternal Emperor—of the Twilight Lands [Abendland = West], awake and rising from his mysterious cave, and when, greeting him with my outstretched arm, I would say to him, ‘Mein Führer, I bring you the allegiance of the elite of India!’

It didn’t seem an impossible dream then…

How could I forget the general joy in Calcutta—and no doubt in the rest of the peninsula too—at the news of Adolf Hitler’s troops entering Paris or, some twenty months later, at the announcement of the lightning advance of our allies the Japanese to the Assam border and beyond?

The kids themselves, newspaper sellers, their faces radiant, triumphantly threw to the public the names of the captured cities—every news day: Kuala Lumpur, Singapore, Rangoon, Mandalay, Akyab, Imphal in Indian territory—one after the other. The colonial government had banned listening to German radio. People who could hear German were listening to it illegally.

I know Hindus who listened to it without understanding a word just to hear the voice of the Führer. They felt that the One who spoke to the Aryan world in an ‘Indo-European’ language unknown to them was also speaking to them—at least to the racial elite of their continent.
 

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Editor’s note:

Compare this holy euphoria with the way the Americans and the British people reacted to Hitler’s divine voice! Compare it with the red letters in our very long post yesterday (‘American racial history timeline—Or—On Jared Taylor’s cherries’)!

It needs to be said a million times until it is understood: Christianity fried the brains of the Aryan man to the extent that, after WW2, the Aryan man handed over their Abendland to the Jews!

To save the white race from the anti-White war of extermination that the entire Abendland is suffering, it is an absolute categorical imperative to repudiate, with all our being, the accursed religion of our imbecilic parents.

If the Aryans of India had conquered Abendland with their religion, during WW2 Westerners, including the American and English people, would have been as euphoric at the German advance in Europe, and beyond, as these children untainted with a lethal Semitic-Christian poison.

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[1] Still often written as Midnapore: a city in West Bengal.

Categories
New Testament Racial studies Schutzstaffel (SS) Souvenirs et réflexions d'une aryenne (book) Third Reich Tom Sunic

Reflections of an Aryan woman, 74

One of the earliest epigraphically attested reference to the word
arya occurs in the 6th-century b.c.e. Behistun inscription.

Moreover, it was not only with the initiates of the Forbidden City of Lhasa (and perhaps with the Dalai Lama himself) that the spiritual elite of the SS Order—which was that of a new traditional civilisation in the making, if not currently in gestation—sought contact. To my humble knowledge, there were also similar meetings in India: meetings that few people in the West suspect, quite apart from the political conversations that may have taken place with certain Hindu leaders, such as Subhas Chandra Bose, in India and Germany before and during the Second World War.
 

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Editor’s Note: With the benefit of hindsight, it is relatively easy to see that this esoteric search was a fool’s errand. Given what happened in real history, what the Nazi elite ought to have studied was already written in the German language. I refer to the texts by Nietzsche that we quote at the appendix to the masthead of this site (pages 84-90, here).

Now that Christian axiology has reached its apex, albeit in secularised form, it is clear that Evil, with a capital ‘E’, always came from Judeo-Christian ethical injunctions in secularised form.

It is not that the 21st-century priest of the sacred words is feeling superior to the Nazis of the previous century. Rather, they lacked the perspective that we have so far. For example, what we said last November about the evangelist Mark, who invented the fictitious figure of Jesus just after the Romans destroyed the Temple in Jerusalem, is something that no German Nazi ever thought of.

The exegesis of the New Testament had to develop to the degree that it has developed today—and I am referring to the non-existence of the historical Jesus—for us to realise that the whole New Testament thing was, from the beginning, a very subversive text aimed against Rome (this is very clear in the last book of the Bible).

There was nothing to be looking for in Tibet or India. The Third Reich would have done well to take New Testament studies where Richard Carrier has recently taken them. But as the Irish commenter Gaedhal said on this site, American racialists are even more primitive than liberal Christians in that they don’t even want to know that the New Testament has been subjected to rigorous scrutiny since the German Enlightenment (cf. what we have been saying about Reimarus). Apparently, I am the only one who has pointed out these studies in the racialist forums of the new century. But let’s move on to Savitri….
 

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Since 1935, a cultural magazine, The New Mercury, had been published in Calcutta, very ably edited by Sri Asit Krishna Mukherji, in collaboration with Sri Vinaya Datta and some others. The Fuhrer’s speeches, of which the official press, both in English and Bengali, reported only excerpts, were spread in extenso, especially if they were, as was often the case, of interest beyond ‘politics’. One of them, which particularly caught my attention at the time, was on the subject of ‘Architecture and the Nation’. But the said journal also published studies on everything that could tend to bring to light a deep, non-political connection, going back very far and very high, between the traditional Hindu civilisation as it has never ceased to exist, and the traditional Germanic civilisation, as it had existed, long before Christianity, and aspired to be reborn. These studies revealed in their authors, in addition to the indispensable archaeological erudition, serious knowledge of cosmic symbolism. Several of them were, needless to say, centred on the Swastika.

They seemed to show, indirectly, the exceptional character of a great modern state which recognised as its own a sign of such universal significance; engraved it on all its public monuments, and printed it on all its banners. At the same time, they suggested the aspiration of this great State to renew contact with the primordial Tradition, from which Europe had already detached itself for centuries, but of which India had kept the invaluable deposit.
 

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Editor’s note: Let me clarify this matter a little more. All this searching for India’s Aryan roots is good. What was wrong is not seeing the Christian enemy next door: the Anglo-American slaves of Judeo-Christian ethics, who would murder this revived Aryan baby through the Hellstorm Holocaust (read Tom Sunic’s Homo Americanus). In other words: the priority should have been to know their fanatic enemy, the Judaized Anglo-Americans, and looking for the Aryan roots should’ve been a secondary matter. Savitri continues:

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I have no evidence that the Ahnenerbe played any part in the publication of the New Mercury. This seems to me all the less likely as this special section of the SS was itself only founded in 1935, the same year as the said magazine. But I know that the latter was at least partly financially supported by the government of the Third Reich. Germans, and representatives—German or not—of German firms in India were supposed to subscribe to it. And at least one of them, to my knowledge, was recalled to Germany, having been dismissed from the direction of the branch which he governed for years, for having refused to do so and declaring that ‘this new-style propaganda’ (sic) did not interest him.

The founder and editor of the periodical, Sri A. K. Mukherji, remained in close contact with Herr von Selzam, the German Consul General in Calcutta, as long as he remained in that post. And this official representative of Adolf Hitler gave him, on the eve of his departure, a document addressed to the German authorities, in which it was specified in no uncertain terms that ‘no one in Asia had rendered the Reich services comparable to his’. I saw this document. I read it again and again, with joy, with pride, as an Aryan and a Hitlerite, and as the wife of Sri A. K. Mukherji. I have already alluded to it in these reflections.

I can’t say whether or not the services referred to therein went beyond the rather narrow confines of Sri A. K. Mukherji’s activities as editor of a fortnightly, traditionalist journal, both Hindu and pro-German. It would seem that they had outgrown them, for the journal had lasted only two years; the British authorities having banned it towards the end of 1937, shortly after the definitive ‘turning point’ in the evolution of British policy towards the Reich. In any case, I didn’t know Sri A. K. Mukherji personally at that time: his name only evoked, for me, the existence of the only magazine of distinctly Hitlerian tendencies that I knew in India. But one thing leads me to believe that his knowledge of esoteric Hitlerism, i.e. of the deep connection of the Führer’s secret doctrine with the eternal tradition, was in no way comparable to the vague impressions I might have had on the same subject. In the very first conversation I had with him, after having had the honour of being introduced to him—on 9 January 1938—, less than two years later, he was destined to give me his name and his protection, and asked me incidentally what I thought of Dietrich Eckart.

I knew that this was the author of the famous poem Deutschland erwache, the fighter of the very first days of the Kampfzeit, who died a few weeks after the failed putsch of 9 November 1923 at the age of fifty-five: the comrade to whom Adolf Hitler had dedicated the second part of Mein Kampf. I was still unaware of the existence of the Thülegesellschaft, and was therefore far from suspecting the role that the poet of the national revolution had played with the Führer.

I enthusiastically displayed my pitifully little erudition. My interlocutor, who had rendered, and would soon render, to the Third Reich (and later to its Japanese allies) ‘services comparable to those of no other’, smiled and moved on to another subject.

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Adolf Hitler Schutzstaffel (SS) Souvenirs et réflexions d'une aryenne (book) Third Reich Welfare of animals

Reflections of an Aryan woman, 70

As I noted above, the particular restrictions he had been able to impose on himself up to that point, in a spirit of asceticism, became unnecessary. And if he continued to observe some of them; if among other things, he obstinately abstained from alcoholic beverages and tobacco, it was out of natural disposition rather than out of a concern for discipline. And if he also refused to eat any meat, it was because deep down he—the artist and friend of animals—had a deepening disgust with the ugliness and horror of the slaughterhouse and the butchery. That said, he lived from then on as a harmoniously balanced man, mingling, without embarrassment or astonishment, with the most refined society if he deemed it necessary for his work or if, after hours of contact with his rough SA and the people, he found there a source of relaxation.

He enjoyed the company of women and, like Siegfried, the prophet Mohammed, Krishna, the incarnate God, and other illustrious fighters ‘against Time’, he knew love, sporadically at least, it seems, when he had the time! Above all, he lived for all the satisfactions that art in all its forms could give him; art that he placed so high that he didn’t admit that a man who was insensitive to it should ever take over the leadership of a National Socialist state. People who, like the French writer Malraux—who certainly cannot be suspected of any bias toward him!—met him at social gatherings and embassy dinners, admit that he was ‘witty’, even ‘humorous’ and that he ‘knew how to dance’ in the sense of Nietzsche’s definition of the term.

But at the same time, he remained first and foremost a man of his fight. And he seems to have been increasingly aware of the need for those who led this struggle under him and in collaboration with him to have a share in the secret knowledge of more than human origin. Hence his dream of a hierarchical German Empire—and beyond it, a hierarchical world according to the spirit of Tradition: a ‘caste system on a planetary scale’ to use the expression of a Hindu, an intelligent admirer of the German Third Reich.

Hence, too, his efforts to create the Order: ‘a veritable lay priesthood’ as Rauschning wrote, which was to be the guardian of Tradition at the top of the social pyramid of the Great Reich and, after the inevitable collapse, at the top of that of the faithful survivors.

This Order, as I have said, was the Schutzstaffel or ‘Echelons of protection’, commonly referred to by its initials—SS—which the Führer wanted to be both ‘militant’ and ‘triumphant’ in the sense in which these terms are applied to the Church in Catholic theology; that is to say, warlike and concerned above all with the defence and expansion of the Aryan elite’s strongholds in this world, and having attained at least a certain degree of being, separating it from the rest of mankind as the ‘chosen ones’ are separated from the ‘world’, the initiated from the uninitiated, in all traditional societies.

Without the existence of such an Order, the reversal of false values on all planes, including the material plane, was inconceivable.

Categories
Franklin D. Roosevelt Mainstream media Martin Kerr Real men Rudolf Hess Third Reich

History of American NS, 2

German-American Bund camp

1936-1941

German-American Bund

At its height, the Friends of the New Germany had approximately 10,000 members. This is ten times the number of members that Gau-USA had, and twenty times the number of its predecessor, Teutonia. However, sixty percent of FDND members were German citizens, not eligible for membership in the newly reorganized Bund. In a sense, Kuhn had to rebuild the Bund from the ground up.

Fritz Julius Kuhn was born in Munich in 1896. He served as an infantry lieutenant during the First World War, and had earned the Iron Cross Second Class. Kuhn and his wife Elsa emigrated to Mexico in 1923. They moved to the US in 1927, and Kuhn became a naturalized citizen in 1933. He settled in Detroit and was employed as a chemist by the Ford Motor Corporation. He took an active interest in ethnic politics, and became the leader of the Detroit chapter of the FDND.

A minor point, but one that is worth addressing: Kuhn’s title was Bundesleiter. Historians and biographers, however, in error frequently refer to him as BundesFüher. But Kuhn himself was quick to point out that there was only one Füher, and that was Adolf Hitler.

Under his determined and energetic leadership, the Bund grew steadily. By the time it ceased operations in December 1941, the Bund had an organized presence in 47 of the 48 states (the exception being Louisiana), with a combined 163 local chapters. A fully accredited chapter was known as a ‘unit’. As a minimum requirement, each unit had a unit leader, a treasurer, a public relations officer and a nine-man OD squad. Many units had a membership of over a hundred. Chapters that could not meet the minimum requirements were known as ‘branches’, and were attached to the nearest unit.

The Bund was divided into three departments – Eastern, Midwestern and Western – which in turn were divided into regions. The regions were subdivided into state organizations, which were further organized by city, neighbourhood, and even block-by-block where the membership warranted it. Total membership is unknown, but probably exceeded 25,000. The uniformed Order Division had an estimated 3,000 members nationwide.

The Bund published a weekly newspaper, with both German-language and English content. It was initially called the Deutscher Weckruf und Beobachter (‘German Wake-Up Call and Observer’). By 1937, it had a total circulation of 20,000. Three regional editions were published that carried local news and advertisements. In 1939, as part of an ongoing effort to Americanize the Bund, its full name was lengthened to Deutscher Weckruf und Beobachter and Free American. From that point on, for convenience’s sake, it was normally referred to simply as the Free American. Building on its success, the Bund published several other publications, including a youth magazine.

A notable Bund feature were its summer camps, which were located on Bund-owned property. There were 18 of these camps in all. Some were modest in size, but others, like Camp Nordland in New Jersey, Camp Siegfried on New York’s Long Island and Camp Hindenburg in Wisconsin, were large and elaborate, with facilities for year-round living. Camp activities included hiking, camping, swimming and other athletics. There were also communal cultural activities. Special programs were developed for young people, designed to build comradeship and to strengthen bodies, minds and character.
 

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Editor’s note: Could one imagine this in today’s US? They wouldn’t even let them protest against a historic statue that the government removed in Charlottesville! One of the biggest lies of the American system is that it claims to allow freedom of speech and association. As we will see in the subsequent history of the Bund, it allows neither. The American system has ways of destroying dissidents through legal and paralegal system of penalties, as we shall see not only in the destruction of the Bund but of the pro-Aryan groups that followed it.
 

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The Bund was not a political organization in the normal sense of the word, and did not run candidates for office. It did, however, hold public meetings and parades, and these gatherings became a target for protests by Communists and Jews. Sometimes the protestors would physically attack the Bund members, resulting in bloody brawls. Clashes between uniformed National Socialists and their enemies received generous publicity in the mainstream media, which was eager to portray the ‘Bundists’ (as they termed the Bund members) as violent troublemakers. Back in Germany, the NSDAP viewed such publicity as detrimental to the foreign policy interests of the Reich. The same concerns that Hitler and Hess had over Gau-USA and the Friends of the New Germany had not gone away: instead, they were taking place on a larger scale and with increased media scrutiny.
 

The Bund’s 1936 trip to Germany

Nearly all Bund activity took place on a local level, but on at least two occasions, the Bund pooled its resources for a major national event. The first of these was an excursion to Hitler’s Germany in the summer of 1936. The second was a mass rally in New York City’s Madison Square Garden in February 1939.

The year 1936 was a watershed for Hitler’s Germany. When the National Socialists assumed power in early 1933, the country was in a dreadful condition as a result of the lost world war and fifteen years of democratic incompetence and corruption. It had been ravaged by the Great Depression and the depredations of the Treaty of Versailles. The economy was a wreck, unemployment was at a record high; many thousands of the most energetic and skilful Germans emigrated each year to seek a better life elsewhere. The media was in the hands of the Jews, as were other important segments of society. But after only three years of National Socialism, the Reich had been reborn: hunger had been banished, the economy was booming and the armed forces had been reorganized and strengthened. A new sense of optimism and national pride filled the population.

The 1936 Summer Olympics, held in Berlin, brought countless guests and tourists to the new Germany. Among those visitors were Fritz Kuhn and some 50 members of the newly-formed Bund. The American National Socialists toured the country, and were widely feted as heroes. Uniformed members of the OD were accorded the same privilege as the German SA and allowed to ride public transportation for free. In Munich, uniformed Bund members marched with the SA, the SS and the Hitler Youth in a parade.

Shortly before the beginning of the second parade in Berlin, Bundesleiter Kuhn and his officers were granted a short, formal audience with Hitler. This meeting is what today might be termed a ‘photo-op’ – the Füher shook hands with them and chatted amiably for a few minutes. One photograph from the occasion shows Hitler and Kuhn talking together. As the brief audience wrapped up, Hitler told Kuhn, ‘Go back and continue the struggle over there’. Nothing deep or significant was meant by these words: they were just a courtesy by the Füher to his American followers.

Upon his return to the United States, Kuhn lost no time in misrepresenting his brief photo-op with Hitler. Kuhn told reporters, ‘I have a special arrangement with the Füher’ to build the NS movement in America. Rumours spread that there had been a second, private meeting between Chancellor Hitler and the Bundesleiter, during which Hitler had given Kuhn detailed instructions on strengthening Germany’s position in the New World. Kuhn did nothing to stop the spread of such tall tales, and instead maintained that he had received a direct mandate from Hitler to lead the American movement.

Kuhn’s dishonesty and false claims undoubtedly strengthened his position as the undisputed leader of the Bund. They came at a steep cost, however, because now they lent credibility to the charges made by the Jews and other anti-German forces that Hitler harboured aggressive aims towards America. The foreign-born Kuhn, with his thick German accent and mannerisms that some felt were off-putting, became the public face of domestic National Socialism to ordinary citizens. It was a face that many found hostile and threatening. Instead of building support and sympathy for the New Germany, Kuhn had alienated a huge swath of the American population.
 

What Hitler and the NSDAP wanted from German-Americans

Hitler had low respect for groups or parties in other countries that wanted to imitate the NSDAP. He realized that such copycat groups were inorganic and essentially foreign to their folk. This included not just the Bund, but also NS parties such as those in Denmark and Sweden. He commented that if Sir Oswald Mosley were really a great man as he presented himself he would have come up with an original movement of his own, instead of merely aping the NSDAP and Mussolini’s Fascists.

But this does not mean that he felt that there was no way for Germans outside the Reich in foreign countries to help build National Socialism. Regarding the US, the Füher felt that there were two primary ways that indigenous American National Socialists could help the New Germany:

1. Those German-Americans and expatriate German nationals residing in the US could most effectively help out by relocating to Germany. There they could help build National Socialism first-hand in the Fatherland.

And, in fact, many did exactly this. An agency was set up to encourage and assist with their relocation, the Deutsches Auslands Institut (German Foreign Institute). It was headed by Fritz Gissibl, former leader of Teutonia and the FDND, provided financial assistance to Germans who wanted to return to their Fatherland, and it helped them reintegrate into German society. In this connection, an association was formed for German-Americans who had returned, called Kameradschaft-USA.

2. For those German-Americans unable or unwilling to relocate to Germany, there was still an important task that they could perform. Since the earliest days of the Hitler government, Germany had been faced with an international economic boycott of German goods by the Jews and their many allies. This hampered the economic recovery and financial growth of the Reich. By working to weaken the boycott and promote German imports, pro-NS Americans could render immediate and tangible aid to the Movement.

Fritz Kuhn formed a corporation to organize an NS fightback against the boycott, first called the Deutsch-Amerikaner Wirstschafts Anschluss (German-American Protective Alliance), and later renamed theDeutscher Konsum Verband (German Business League). The DKV urged American merchants to ignore the Jewish boycott and to buy German goods for resale. It also encouraged American consumers to buy goods made in Germany. The DKV held a highly publicized ‘Christmas Fair’ highlighting German-made products and promoting their sale.

The DAI and the DAWA/DKV had the full and enthusiastic support of Hitler and the NSDAP. Uniformed marches, provocative speeches and confrontational meetings, however, were the mainstays of public Bund activity and did not meet with the approval of Reich authorities, who did whatever they could to discourage such activities and to distance themselves from them – to no avail.
 

The Madison Square Garden rally

On February 20, 1939, the Bund held a mammoth rally in New York’s Madison Square Garden. The event was billed as a ‘Mass Demonstration for True Americanism’. It took place in proximity to George Washington’s birthday, and indeed, a gigantic image of the first president formed a backdrop for the speaker’s platform. Over 22,000 Bund members and allies gathered for the occasion, easily making it the largest National Socialist meeting ever held in North America, before or since. Some 1,200 OD men under the command of August Klapprott provided security. Outside the Garden, 80,000 unruly anti-Bund protestors scuffled with the police in an unsuccessful effort to disrupt the meeting.
 

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Editor’s note: Eighty thousand? The anti-NS sentiment in America isn’t just a thing of our times! Incidentally, red emphasis below, of Kerr’s text, is mine. I just want to show that since the beginning of the American racialist movements, they never stopped worshiping the Jewish god:
 

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Among the speakers were National Secretary James Wheeler Hill, National Public Relations Director Gerhard Wilhelm Kunze and Bundesleiter Kuhn. As Kuhn began his address, a Jew named Isadore Greenbaum pushed his way past the police, slipped between two OD guards, and rushed the stage. He was armed with a knife. The would-be assassin was quickly tackled by the OD and beaten into submission. Klapprott pulled his men off the Jew before he was badly hurt, and he was turned over to the police for arrest. Kuhn continued speaking without interruption. Later, some members and followers leaving the meeting were assaulted by the mob outside.

The Bund portrayed the event as a huge victory. And indeed, it was an impressive tactical and logistical triumph. The Bund had shown that it could organize a successful mass meeting in the face of massive opposition.

But the reaction in Berlin was not so favourable. From the standpoint of the German government, this was exactly the type of publicity that they did not want.
 

Bund ideology and outreach

The Bund formally adhered to the National Socialist worldview as expressed in NS Germany. But there was a problem: the US was not Germany, and the social, economic, political and racial situation in America did not correspond to that of Germany. The program and exact policies of the NSDAP did not fit the American scene. Kuhn’s solution to the quandary was two-fold: the Bund adhered strictly to German National Socialism internally, but in terms of public outreach it advocated an ideology that was an awkward fusion of National Socialism and the Christian Nationalism of the times. ‘Christian Nationalism’ was roughly equivalent to modern White Nationalism. It was not a religious movement, per se; rather, by ‘Christian’ it was understood that Jews were excluded. An example of this was a statement by Kuhn quoted in the New York Times:’ I am a White Man and I give the White Man’s salute: Heil Hitler!’

Publicly, the Bund claimed to be for ‘100 percent Americanism’ and opposed to ‘Jewish communism’. It never attempted to forge a specific American National Socialism, unique to the experiences and situation of the Aryan race in North America.

When it felt the need to give some intellectual heft to its outreach, the Bund would refer to the writings of Lawrence Dennis, who was the foremost American Fascist intellectual of the period, or to other non-Bund, non-NS theoreticians and commentators.

The German National Socialist Colin Ross attempted to provide some intellectual ballast for the Movement in America with his 1937 book, Unser Amerika (Our America). He gave lectures throughout the US which were supported and attended by Bund members. But in the end, he was an outsider, and it is unclear to what extent his work had any effect on the Movement in the US.
 

Decline and end of the Bund

The Madison Square Garden rally aggravated the increasing dissatisfaction of the German government with the Bund. The German ambassador, Hans Diekhoff, had a contentious relationship with the group. Public opinion, largely manufactured and manipulated by the Jews, was already strongly tilted against the Reich. The media wanted to portray the Bund as a violent, un-American subversive organization directly under Hitler’s command; every headline that played into that false image made Diekhoff’s already-challenging job that much more difficult. He sent repeated dispatches to Berlin urging the German government to sever all ties with the Bund and publicly disown it. But the truth was that there was little or nothing Berlin could do: Contrary to popular belief, the Bund was not under the command of Hitler, the German government, or the NSDAP. It was an independent organization that could conduct its operations in any way that it wished.

The average American had a negative appreciation of the Bund. It was widely assumed that the Bund was a ‘fifth column’, designed to aid the ‘Nazis’ if the Germans invaded the United States – which the media assured the public was Hitler’s ultimate aim.

Consequently, there was a widespread feeling that the government should ‘do something’ about the Bund. The Roosevelt regime was more than willing to comply, but there was a hitch: the Bund operated strictly within the limits of US law.

Eventually, the authorities found a solution: In May, 1939, Kuhn was charged with the embezzlement of approximately $14,000 of Bund funds. Kuhn had foolishly taken as a mistress Virginia Cogswell, a former beauty queen. He had purportedly used Bunds funds to pay for her medical bills and to ship some used furniture to her from California. The Bund hierarchy responded to the charges that Kuhn, as leader of the Bund, was free to use the money in question in any manner that he wanted to. But the government was out for blood, and in November Kuhn was convicted of misusing Bund funds. Eventually he was sent to New York’s Sing Sing prison.

The scandal, rocked the Bund, and resulted in many resignations. However, a new leader, Gerhard Wilhelm Kunze, stepped forward to lead the group until Kuhn was free again.

Bund operations continued until December 8, 1941 – the day after the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor, and three days before Hitler’s declaration of war against the United States. On that day the Bund national council voted to dissolve the organization, and it burnt sensitive documents before they could be seized by the FBI.

 
Other National Socialist and pro-NS groups

Although we have concentrated our attention on the German-American Bund, the Bund was not the only NS formation in the US during the pre-War period. We have previously mentioned the short-lived American National-Socialist Party of Anton Haegele (1935). In 1939, the Brooklyn chapter of the Bund – which was the largest in the nation – broke away and reformed the ANSP, under the leadership of Peter Stahrenberg. But, despite the excellence of its newspaper, the National American, the party was small and never amounted to anything.

Of the hundreds of other small groups that flourished during this period, the following are also worth mentioning:

• The Christian Mobilizers, a New York group led by Joseph ‘Nazi Joe’ McWilliams. Its uniformed branch was called the Christian Guard. Later, the group was renamed the American Destiny Party.

• The National Workers League, led by Russel Roberts, later a supporter and advisor of George Lincoln Rockwell. Based in Detroit.

• The Citizens Protective League, led by Kurt Mertig, later mentor to James Madole of the National Renaissance Party.

• American Nationalist Party (founded as the American Progressive Workers Party). Emory Burke, who would go on to be the founder of the post-War movement, was a member of this group.

Americans who were National Socialist or pro-NS also supported organizations such as Charles Lindbergh’s America First Committee, William Dudley Pelley’s Silver Shirt Legion, Father Charles Coughlin’s National Union for Social Justice, and the Christian Front.

To broaden its appeal, the Bund also held a unity rally with the Ku Klux Klan at August Klapprott’s Camp Nordland in 1940.

Categories
Adolf Hitler Souvenirs et réflexions d'une aryenne (book) Third Reich

Reflections of an Aryan woman, 62

But it is above all the constructive aspect of Hitlerism which makes it the elite’s fighting philosophy against levelling—against ‘mass reduction’ (Vermassung)—and the instrument of an in extremis recovery of Aryan humanity and, through it, of all earthly life, against the current of Time.

I have said it over and over again in these talks: there was nothing ‘new’ about the Führer’s ‘New Order’, the one he wanted and which, unfortunately, the pressure of the Dark Forces of the whole world had to crush before his installation. It was the oldest possible order: the ‘original’ order of things, firmly based on the eternal truths which dominate and condition that particular manifestation of Being which is life.

But its resurgence in our late stage of the age of untruths par excellence (and even later) could and never can happen except through combat. This is why the idea of relentless combat, of ‘perpetual revolution’, [1] is inseparable from Hitlerism. It underlies both the most positive creations in all fields and the most implacable defensive measures against the corruption of the race or the regime’s saboteurs.

Hitler’s intolerance is, even in its aggressiveness, only a defensive intolerance—a reaction, as I have tried to show, against the millennial intolerance of Judaism and its ‘jealous God’, and against that of the no less ‘jealous’ entities (‘universalism’, ‘democracy’, etc.) in which an increasingly Judaized world believes. Hitlerism itself is, even in its conquering momentum, nothing but a movement for the defence, protection and resurrection of the fundamental values of Life, denied in the West for centuries. It is the defence of the ideal Order, more or less apparent in the most venerable ancient societies, against all miscegenation, all levelling, all backward selections, all unnatural reversals; against the disintegrating pressure of what is commonly called ‘progress’ and which is, at the bottom, nothing but the ever more insistent affirmation of anthropocentrism. It is, I repeat, unthinkable outside the Dark Ages.
 

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Editor’s note: I would go a little further. Savitri speaks above about ‘the pressure of the Dark Forces’. It is the Christian idea of the human soul that is screwing the Aryan race. As Jack Frost tried unsuccessfully to communicate to Christian commenters in a thread from a Kevin MacDonald article of September 19, 2015:

Christians believe that the soul is eternal and always exists… Now, the soul is raceless and according to them the only important thing about a man; the body is dross, merely a shell. Why should someone who believes he is raceless and never going to die, and who is focused intently on things not of this world but an anticipated next, worry himself about trivial matters such as the survival of Western civilization or of this or that biological race? Clearly, to do so would be a heresy.

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When I speak of its ‘constructive aspect’ I don’t especially have in mind the spectacular material, social or even cultural achievements of the German Third Reich: not the restoration of the national economy (almost overnight), not the various initiatives or institutions that might be called ‘philanthropic’, the aid to mothers and children, the distributions of coal to the elderly during the winter, the cruises to the Balearic Islands or the Canary Islands organised for factory workers on paid leave, or the royal four-lane autobahns which ran as far as the eye could see into the splendour of the restored forests. All this was just one of a series of obvious signs of the victorious revolution, a series that was only just beginning.

Other signs, less obvious, more subtle than the first, were already appearing in all areas of life. Newborn babies were increasingly given beautiful Germanic names, evocative of a legendary past. Furniture, at least in some privileged homes, such as those of SS members, was decorated with symbolic motifs whose occult influence was felt even by those who couldn’t explain it. But however important they may have been, they were, again, only signs. This was not the revolution.

The real, positive, creative revolution—unique among the political upheavals of all centuries since antiquity—was the return to the sources, under the command of a qualified Chief and Master: both initiate and strategist, and supreme holder of political authority; prophet of the ‘new’ (or rather eternal) Doctrine and founder of the corresponding visible order; invested, as I said above, with the ‘power of the Two Keys’, elected by those Forces of Life which militate with more and more impersonal fervour, against the fatal tendencies of the Cycle near its end. The real revolution was the effort to restore a traditional society, hierarchically ordered according to the intangible values of all time; resting firmly on the earth while it carried its elite of race, character and knowledge beyond the human, as the plant with long serpentine stems holds its mystic lotuses, hatched in the light, on the surface of the pond, far above the nourishing mud.

The European, if not pan-Aryan society that the Führer wanted was to be no other than this. Politically centred around the Great Reich, that is to say, Germany, supplemented by the conquered areas in the West and especially in the East, would have been dominated by the Germanic elite of the SS, to which would have been increasingly incorporated Aryans of non-German origin, judged worthy of forming, together with their blood brothers, the warrior aristocracy of the new world. And at least part of this young aristocracy would have been—was, in fact, already—a spiritual elite, an initiatory group, linked, through the intermediary of a very ancient tradition, of Germanic expression, to the primordial Tradition.

Governed from 1933 onwards by the Incarnation of the divine Liberator, who returns unceasingly and, in the following years, by that of his paladins whom he would have designated, the Reich was to become once again what had been, centuries before Christianity and before Rome, the soil of the old Germanic tribes: a ‘Holy Land’ in the esoteric sense of the word; the cradle of a civilisation nourished by the radiance of a powerful centre of initiatory achievement.

And it is well known that this new Aryan civilisation, with its Germanic elite, was inspired this time by the same principles as the old society of Vedic and post-Vedic India, at a time when the caste system, also based on ‘race and personality’, still corresponded effectively to the natural hierarchy of men. In both cases, at the root of the whole social structure—and, with some exceptions, at the basis of the relations between conquerors and conquered—is the same notion of irreducible congenital inequality between human races, or even between the more or less clear subdivisions of the same fundamental race: an inequality which no religious or philosophical anthropocentrism can attenuate, and which it is the duty of the wise legislator to reinforce, if possible, but never to fight.

The abyss which, in the mind of the Führer, separates the Aryan worthy of the name from the ‘sub-humans’, is reminiscent in more than one respect of the abyss which, in the Sanskrit Scriptures, separates and opposes the Arya, ‘twice born’, from the Dasyu. According to Rauschning, the Führer goes so far as to speak of a ‘new variety of man’, the result of a real ‘mutation’, in the scientific and natural sense of the word[2] which would ‘far surpass present-day man’ and would move further and further away from ‘the man of the herd’, who has already entered, according to him, ‘the stage of decay and survival’.[3]

It seems that he saw this ‘mutation’—which, like the initiation of the ‘twice-born’ of ancient India, or that of the freemen of pagan Greece into the ‘mysteries’, concerned only the race of the masters—as the culmination of a hard series of tests. He felt that it was too late to impose such asceticism on the mature generation. It was the youth, the ‘splendid youth’ that Adolf Hitler loved so much, the youth whose destiny he was still to try to guide ‘in the centuries to come’ by writing his Political Testament under the thunder of the Russian guns, who had to undergo it, and emerge transformed, hardened, embellished, elevated to a higher level of being: a level that an elite within the elite had yet to exceed.

It was in the ‘fortresses’ (Burgs) of the warlike and mystical Order of the SS—those veritable nurseries of Western Kshatriyas—that the masters-at-arms and spiritual masters of the new aristocracy were to educate the young candidates for superhumanity. ‘My pedagogy is hard’, declared the inspired Lawgiver of the new Aryan world. ‘I work with a hammer and loosen everything that is dumb or worm-eaten. In my Burgs of Order we shall grow a youth before whom the world will tremble; a violent, imperious, fearless youth’… a youth who ‘will know how to bear pain. I want nothing weak or tender in them. I want it to have the strength and beauty of the young beasts… the innocence and nobility of Nature’.[4] And further on, still in the same conversation with Rauschning: ‘The only science I shall require of these young people is self-control. They will learn to tame fear. This is the first stage of my Order: the stage of heroic youth. From this will come the second degree: that of the ‘free man’, of the man ‘at the centre of the world’, of the ‘god-man’.[5]

What was this ‘God-man’, this ‘man at the centre of the world’?, the nature of which seems to have completely escaped Rauschning, as no doubt many of the Führer’s other interlocutors. What was it—what could it be—if not what the sages, in the traditional sense of the word, call ‘primordial man’ or ‘Edenic man’: he who has succeeded, precisely through his ‘self-mastery’, in identifying himself with the centre of his being (which is, like that of every being, human or not, the very centre of the manifested world) and who has thereby rediscovered his original innocence, because ‘while acting, he is no longer acts’?[6]

But there was a ‘future stage of manly maturity’, other, higher degrees of initiation of which Adolf Hitler was ‘not allowed to speak’. There were revelations, which were to come ‘later’, ‘long, perhaps, after his death’. He knew that this death—as well as the death, at least apparently, of the whole universe of truth which he was recreating by iron and fire—would be indispensable to the ultimate accomplishment of his mission.

He had had, at the age of sixteen, the extraordinary intuition, I should say: the vision. He seems never to have expressed to anyone the depth of his thinking, nor the magnitude (and horror) of what, from the angle of the ‘eternal Present’, his inner eye could discover of the immediate future of Germany and the world; nor the profound—more than human—reasons which made his fight necessary despite the old certainty and the increasingly obvious prospect of inevitable collapse.

He never expressed any of this because metaphysical knowledge, which alone justified everything he could have said, is, like all such knowledge, incommunicable. Among his most devoted collaborators only those who, like Rudolf Hess, were not aspects of the One Who Comes from the Past, but were nevertheless initiates, could follow him without a leap of faith. These needed no verbal or written transmission to grasp all that in the Führer’s secret thought, though impenetrable to discursive intelligence, was not beyond their level.

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[1] Rauschning: Hitler m’a dit, op. cit., page 59.

[2] Ibid., page 272.

[3] Ibid., pages 272-273.

[4] Ibid., page 278.

[5] Ibid., page 279.

[6] The Bhagawad-Gîta, IV, Verse 20.

Categories
Ethnic cleansing Final solution Holocaust Reinhard Heydrich Souvenirs et réflexions d'une aryenne (book) Third Reich

Reflections of an Aryan woman, 59

One can compare the action of the Einsatzgruppen against the Jews in Germany and in the countries occupied by the armies of the Third Reich with that of the Einsatzgruppen in the Eastern territories.

In both cases, according to the instructions given by Reinhard Heydrich in May 1941 to the leaders of the latter, the aim was to ‘mercilessly destroy all past, present and future opposition to National Socialism’[1] that is, to eliminate as many actual or potential enemies of the new Germanic faith and Empire as possible. In both cases, the action revealed a scale of values in complete opposition to all anthropocentrism or a scale of values completely devoid of hypocrisy. For war is in itself the negation of any anthropocentric faith or philosophy—especially war between men of different races and civilisations, some of whom regard the habitat of others as necessary, or favourable, to their development. Himmler remarked that the Anglo-Saxon pioneers in North America had ‘exterminated the Indians and only wanted to live on their native land’.[2]

And the fiercest anti-Hitlerites are forced to admit that he was right, and that there is no ‘respect for the human person’ in the attitude of the founders of the US towards the real Americans. It is all too easy, after the fact, when you have installed your democracy over the entire surface of a continent practically emptied of its inhabitants, whose race you have destroyed in the most cowardly way by alcohol, it is easy then, I say, to proclaim that the age of violence is over; to forbid others to carve out a ‘living space’ for themselves as you have carved out one for yourself and, should their effort end in failure, to bring them before a parody ‘International Tribunal’ as ‘criminals against humanity’.

This is easy. But it is an indictment of lies; of bad faith. It also accuses a secret and sordid envy: that of the dwarf towards the giant; that of the plutocrat in search of new markets, towards the warrior capable of frank and detached violence; that, too, of all the proud citizens of shaky colonial powers towards the conquering Third Reich, at the height of its glory.

In both actions—that of the Einsatzgruppen in Poland and Russia, and that against the Jews everywhere—the leaders of the Third Reich had men from conquered countries treated or allowed to be treated as the founders of the US had treated the Redskins, but with less tartuffery. They openly admitted that ‘the tragedy of greatness is to create new life by treading on corpses’:[3] corpses of which it doesn’t matter how many if the ‘new life’ is closer to its divine prototype; if it is more faithful to the supreme values than the life that is disappearing. And they sincerely believed it was, or would be (and indeed it would have been, if Germany had won the war).

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Editor’s Note: Some who come to comment on this site continue to do so without understanding that we are in a fight with the white nationalist POV. Here again is what we have said so many times:

This is a site for apprentices to fourteen-word priests (or a priestess, if a woman wants to become someone very similar to Savitri Devi, which I consider highly unlikely).

The gulf between the priest and the white nationalist is that the former has already transvalued Christian values to pre-Christian values, and regards the genocide of enemies as highly moral and laudable. The latter suffers from what we call ‘ogre of the superego’ inspired by Christianity, thus imagining the Nazis as if they weren’t killers but good Christians (like the Americans).

Those who want to know the real history of the Third Reich would do well to note that, among Reich sympathisers, the most knowledgeable don’t go around denying the genocides committed by the Nazis (e.g., Max Weber and David Irving). Or don’t they still notice these German words?

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[1] Quoted by André Brissaud in Hitler and the Black Order, 1969 edition, page 319.

[2] Confidences in Kersten (see Kersten’s book, Les mains du miracle, page 319).

[3] André Brissaud, Hitler and the Black Order, 1969 edition, page 309.

Categories
Eugenics Kali Yuga Neanderthalism Souvenirs et réflexions d'une aryenne (book) Third Reich

Reflections of an Aryan woman, 57

But that is not all. One of the most depressing features of the Dark Age drawing to a close is, certainly, the disorderly proliferation of man.

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Editor’s note: From my childhood I became a racist when we would visit the centre of the great mongrel metropolis. What my eyes saw is what I’d eventually come to call ‘the Neanderthal marabunta’.

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Malthus, more than a hundred and fifty years ago, had already pointed out the dangers of this, but only from an economic point of view. Our optimists today try to answer him by evoking the new possibilities of exploiting the land, and even the sea, which, according to them, would allow the human population of the planet to increase fivefold or even tenfold without worry. But the dangers remain, and are becoming more and more apparent, because the overall increase in the number of people is no longer ‘arithmetical’ but geometrical. And it seems that now, more than a quarter of a century after the defeat of National Socialist Germany, the point has been reached beyond which nothing, other than a gigantic external intervention, human or divine, can stop it, and even more so to decrease the world’s population to the level where it would cease to endanger the natural balance.
 

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Editor’s note: So far my insistence on pointing out Chris Martenson’s course (summary: here) has not made a dent in the racialists’ worldview. Savitri ignored scientific data on what now is called peak oil because neo-Malthusian studies weren’t yet popular. Never mind that Martenson and others who talk about energy devolution are normies. What matters is whether their calculations are correct. As I have also said several times, among the racialists only the Austrian-Canadian Ernest Ronin has predicted that when energy devolution hits the fan, later in this century, a window of opportunity will open for our cause.
 

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The Führer, more than anyone else, was aware of the catastrophe that the overpopulation of certain regions of the earth already represented (and increasingly does represent), and not only because of the inevitable push, in the more or less short term, of the ‘hungry’ against the ‘haves’. What he feared most of all was the gradual disappearance of the natural elites, the racial elites, under the rising tide of biologically inferior multitudes, even if here and there some dikes could be erected to protect us. For it is to be noted that, at least in our time, it is generally the least beautiful and least gifted races, and within the same people the less pure elements, that are the most prolific.

What the defender of the Aryan elite also feared was the lowering of the physical, intellectual and moral standards—the loss of quality—of generations to come. This is, in fact, a result, statistically fatal, of the unlimited increase in the number of humans, even of the ‘good race’, as soon as natural selection is undermined by the widespread application of medicine, surgery and especially preventive hygiene: factors of reverse selection.

Thus, his programme for the purification of the German people (and, if he had won the war, of the peoples of Europe) included, in parallel with the sterilisation of incurable people who were able, despite of everything, to justify their existence by some useful work, the pure and simple physical elimination (without suffering, that is to say) of beings who were only human in the form such as monsters, idiots, mentally retarded people, lunatics, etc.
 

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Editor’s note: This reminds me of something funny. A few years ago, on a typical American white nationalist forum, a commenter said with conviction that the Third Reich’s eugenics programme was just another slander, similar to the holocaust myth. That happened a few years ago. What these folk didn’t realise, and still don’t get it, is that the Reich represented a transvaluation to pre-Christian values. In other words, axiologically the anti-Semites on the continent where I live are still Jew obeyers, a term I explained a couple of days ago.
 

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It was conceived in the sense of a definitive return to healthy Nature, which prompts the bird to throw the malformed chick out of the nest; also, in the spirit of the breeder who, from the litters of his female dogs or mares, removes and eliminates without hesitation the deformed subjects, or those too weak to survive without constant care. It was conceived in the spirit of the divine Lycurgus, the lawgiver of Sparta. And it is known that Lycurgus’ laws were dictated to him by the Apollo of Delphi, the ‘Hyperborean’.

Unfortunately, this programme was only just beginning to be implemented. The fierce opposition of the Christian churches, both Catholic and Protestant, resulted in a ‘postponement’ of the drastic measures it contained. Adolf Hitler was too much of a realist to confront head-on, in the midst of war, the prejudices that eleven hundred years of Christian anthropocentrism had embedded in the psyche of his people, and to brave the indignant sermons of a few bishops, such as von Galen of Münster. It would have been difficult to put these prelates (and this one in particular) under arrest without risking a highly inappropriate disaffection with the regime among their flock. This is how (among others) the ten thousand or so mentally retarded in the Bethel asylum near Bielefeld survived the fall of the Third Reich. I repeat: unfortunately.

It remains true that the physical elimination of human waste was, together with the sterilisation of the incurably ill but still ‘usable’ as ‘economic factors’, an essential aspect of Adolf Hitler’s fight against decadence. The pure and simple suppression of medicine and preventive hygiene was, logically, another aspect. And it would, no doubt, have been another aspect in a victorious Germany which would have dominated Europe, and would have had nothing to fear from the threat of prolific multitudes, massed in the East, under the command of leaders who had identified the old cause of Panslavism with that of Marxism-Leninism.

But, given the tragic reality of this threat—and the threat represented, in the longer term, and for quite different reasons, by the overpopulation of the whole Earth—it was first of all this foreign proliferation that putting a brake was needed.

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Adolf Hitler Democracy Monarchy Souvenirs et réflexions d'une aryenne (book) Sturmabteilung (SA) Third Reich

Reflections of an Aryan woman, 50

There is no shortage of opponents of Marxism. They range from those who condemn all violence and are frightened by the known episodes of ‘class struggle’ in Russia and China, to those who reproach the Communists for their atheism and materialism, to those who own some property and are afraid of losing it if they have to live under the sign of the Sickle and Hammer.

Many oppose it in the name of some political doctrine, usually embodied in a ‘party’, which, if it attacks the ‘subversive’ character of Marxism, is itself no less subversive, and for the same deep reasons. This is the case with the adherents of all democratic parties, whose common denominator is to be found in the belief in the ‘equality in law’ of all men, and hence the principle of universal suffrage, of power emanating from the majority. These people don’t realise that Communism is in its infancy in this very principle, as it was already in Christian anthropocentrism (even if it is a question of the value of human souls in the eyes of a personal God who infinitely loves all men). They don’t realise that it is and can only be so, for the reason that the majority will always be the mass—and increasingly so, in an overpopulated world.

Only those who are faithful to any adequate expression of immemorial Tradition, and in particular to any true religion or to any Weltanschauung capable of serving as a basis for a true religion—any worldview which is ultimately based on the knowledge of the eternal and on the will to make it the principle of the socio-political order—, are fundamentally opposed to Marxism.

Now, disregarding the apparent paradox of such an assertion, twenty-five years after the collapse of the Third German Reich I dare to repeat that the only properly Western doctrine which (after the very old Nordic religions which Christianity persecuted and gradually killed between the 6th and 12th centuries) fulfils this condition is Hitlerism.

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Note of the Editor: Once more, Savitri didn’t know about the apocalypse of whites that also represented, in the 4th and 5th centuries, the violent destruction of the classical world by fanatic Christians. We cannot blame her. Books like this one had not been published! More recently than Savitri’s time, even Mauricio didn’t know about the blackest page of ancient history, as he commented yesterday.

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This is the only Weltanschauung infinitely more than ‘political’ that is clearly ‘against Time’ in accordance with the eternal. It is the only worldview which, in the long run, will triumph both over Marxism and the general chaos to which it will have led the world—and this, no matter how great the material defeat of its followers may have been yesterday, and no matter how hostile millions of men may be about it today. Only a total recovery can succeed a total subversion: a glorious beginning of the cycle at a lamentable end of it.

But our opponents won’t fail to draw everyone’s attention to the eminently ‘anti-traditional’ character of more than one aspect of National Socialism, both during the Kampfzeit, before 1933, and after the seizure of power. If it is ‘subversive’ from the viewpoint of eternal values to preach the ‘class struggle’ with a view to the ‘dictatorship of the proletariat’. But wasn’t it equally subversive to rise to power democratically thanks to universal suffrage, by relying on a succession of electoral campaigns (on the protection of young fighters, for the most part as ‘proletarian’ in their behaviour, as the Communists whose attacks they repelled during meetings and whom they overcame in street battles)? Wasn’t it to be so, to keep this power, which came from the people—the masses—and to omit the reestablishment of the old monarchy despite the last and fervent recommendation of Marshal von Hindenburg, President of the Reich?

On the other hand, didn’t several German banks[1] as well as industrial magnates[2] subsidised the NSDAP, thus making the success of the National Socialist Revolution depend, in part, on the power of money and running the risk of making it considered, despite its popular appearance, the supreme defence of the ‘capitalist’ order as it already existed—that is to say, a society extremely distant from the traditional ideal?

Finally, it may be said, how can it be denied that, even after the seizure of power the Third German Reich was far from presenting the appearance of an organism inspired from top to bottom by the vision of the cosmic hierarchy? The famous author Hans Günther himself, apparently disillusioned, wrote to me in 1970 that he had, unfortunately, seen in it ‘an ochlocracy’ rather than the aristocratic regime he had dreamed of. And one cannot categorically reject without discussion this judgement of one of the most prominent theorists of Hitler’s racism before the disaster of 1945. The judgement, while undoubtedly excessive, must, in more than one particular case, certainly express some regrettable reality.

Let’s never forget that we are approaching the end of a cycle, and that the best institutions can therefore only exceptionally have a semblance of the perfection of the past. For everywhere, and the post-war period has amply proved this, there are more and more two-legged mammals and fewer and fewer men in the strongest sense of the word. No doctrine should therefore be judged by what has been accomplished in the visible world in its name.

The doctrine is true or false depending on whether or not it is in unison with that direct knowledge of the universal and eternal which only a steadily diminishing minority of sages possesses. It is true—it cannot be repeated often enough—regardless of the victory or defeat of its followers, or so-called followers on the material plane, and regardless of their weaknesses, foolishness, or even crimes. Neither the atrocities of the Holy Inquisition, nor the scandals attached to the name of Pope Alexander VI Borgia, take anything away from the truth of the vision of the ‘intelligible world’ that a Master Eckhart, for example, or some initiated Templar, may have had through Christian symbolism. And the same is true of all doctrines.

We must therefore be careful not to impute to Hitlerism the faults, weaknesses or excesses of people with power, to any degree whatsoever, under the Third Reich or during the period of struggle (Kampfzeit) from 1920 to 1933, and especially the faults or excesses committed against the spirit of the Weltanschauung and the Führer’s dream, as there seemed to be so many. In German society, as it was under the growing influence and effective rule of the Führer during the Kampfzeit and afterwards, we must see only the Führer’s efforts to mould it according to his dream, or to prevent it from evolving against that same dream. We must try to understand what he wanted to do.

Already in the official National Socialist texts addressed to the general public—in the Twenty-five Points, which form the basis of the Party programme; and above all in Mein Kampf where the great philosophical directives of the latter are traced out even more clearly—it is visible that the Movement was directed against the most cherished ideals and the most characteristic customs of the eminently decadent society, which had grown out of the Liberalism of the 18th and 19th centuries.

Lending at interest, financial speculation, and any form of gain alien to a creative endeavour, as well as the exploitation of vice or silliness in a press, literature, cinema or theatre envisaged above all as a means of making a profit, are condemned with the utmost rigour. Moreover, the very principles of modern Western civilisation—the equality of all men and all races in law, the idea that ‘law’ is the expression of the will of the majority, and ‘nation’ the community of those who, whatever their origin, ‘want to live together’; the idea that perpetual peace in abundance, the fruit of man’s ‘victory over nature’ represents the supreme good—are attacked, ridiculed and demolished in a masterly manner.

Natural law, the law of the struggle for life, is recognised and exalted on the human level as on all other levels. And the primordial importance of race and personality—the two pillars of the new faith—is proclaimed on every page. Finally, this new faith, or rather this new conception of life (neue Audassung) for the Führer and the few, is not a question of ‘faith’ but true knowledge. It is characterised as ‘corresponding to the original meaning of things’[3] which says a lot, this ‘original meaning of things’ being none other than that which they take on in the light of Tradition.

We can therefore, without going any further, affirm that everything in the history of the National Socialist Party that doesn’t seem to coincide with the spirit of a struggle ‘against Time’ is a matter of the tactics of the struggle, not its nature or purpose. It was under the pressure of hard necessity, and only after he had failed on 9 November 1923 in his attempt to seize power by force that Adolf Hitler, released from his Landsberg prison but now deprived of all means of action, had recourse—reluctantly to be sure—to the slow and long ‘legal way’, that is to say, to the repeated appeal to the voters and the gradual conquest of a majority in the Reichstag. It is well known that his first move after taking power ‘by democratic means’ was to replace the authority of the many with that of one, namely his own at all levels; in other words, to abolish democracy: to bring the political order into line with the natural order as far as possible.

It was under the pressure of a no less compelling material necessity—that of meeting the enormous expenses involved in the struggle for power in a parliamentary system with its inevitable election campaigns—that he had to accept the help of the Hugenbergs, the Kirkdorfs, the Thyssens, Dr Schacht and later Krupp, as well as of a host of industrialists and bankers.

Without it, he couldn’t have risen to power fast enough to block the road to the most dangerous forces of subversion: the Communists. For money is, more than ever, in a world which it increasingly dominates, the ‘sinews of war’ and politics. Does this mean that the Führer was subservient to money or to those who had given him money during the Kampfzeit? Does it mean that he made any concessions to them after taking power?

Far from it! He allowed them to get rich insofar as, in so doing, they served the national economy effectively and gave the working masses what he had promised them: abundance through work insofar as, subject to his authority, they continued to help the Party, i.e. the state, in peace and war. He kept them in their place and their role—like a king and the merchant ‘caste’ in a traditional society—thus showing both his realism and wisdom.

On the other hand, the (at least partial) ‘ochlocracy’ that has so often been attributed to National Socialism was, in fact, only the inevitable corollary of Adolf Hitler’s obligation to come to power by relying, quite democratically, on the majority of the electorate. It wouldn’t have existed if the putsch of 9 November 1923 had succeeded and had given him free rein to remake Germany according to his immense dream. It wouldn’t have existed because he wouldn’t have needed the collaboration of hundreds of thousands of young people ready to do anything: to strike blows as well as to receive them, to maintain in the vicinity of his massive propaganda meetings, and in the halls themselves, an order constantly threatened by the physical attacks of the most violent and implacable elements of the Communist opposition.

To conquer Germany ‘democratically’ he had to show himself, to be heard, hundreds and hundreds of times to convey to the public his message: part of his message, at least that which would induce the masses to vote for his party. The message was irresistible but it had to be communicated. And that would have been impossible without the wolf pack, the SA[4], who ruled the streets and who, at the risk of their own lives, ensured the Führer’s silence and safety amid his audience.

Adolf Hitler loved his young beasts, madly attached to his person, eager for both violence and adoration, many of whom were former Communists who had been won over to the holy cause by the fascination of his words, his looks, his behaviour and his doctrine in which the son of a proletarian saw something more outrageous, more brutal, and therefore more exalting than Marxism.

He loved them. And he loved the latest of their supreme leaders of the Kampfzeit, under whose orders he himself had once fought in the war: Ernst Röhm, who had returned from Bolivia, from the end of the world, at his call in 1930. He willingly turned a blind eye to his deplorable morals and saw in him only the perfect soldier and genius organiser.

And yet… he resigned himself, despite everything, to having this old comrade killed, or to let him be killed—almost the only man in his entourage who was on a first-name basis with him[5]—as soon as he was convinced that the turbulence of this troop, so faithful though it was, its spirit of independence and especially the growing opposition which was emerging between it and the regular German army could only lead precisely to ochlocracy, if not to civil war; in any case, only to the weakening of Germany.

One could compare this tragic but apparently necessary purge of June 30, 1934 with the most Machiavellian settlements of accounts in history; for example, the execution without trial of Don Ramiro di Lorqua on the orders of Caesar Borgia—with this crucial difference, however: that, while the Duke of Valentino had in mind only power for himself, the Führer aimed infinitely higher. He wanted power to try, in a desperate effort, to reverse the march of Time against itself, in the name of eternal values. There was nothing personal in his struggle at any stage.

And if, despite the fervent desire of Field Marshal and Reich President von Hindenburg, he rejected any idea of restoring the monarchy, it was not out of ambition either. It was because he was aware of the vanity of such a step in terms of values and true hierarchies. The monarchy ‘by divine right’, the only normal one from the traditional point of view[6] had, for centuries already, lost all meaning and justification in Europe.

The Führer knew this. It was not a question of trying to restore a shaky order by reinstalling a parliamentary monarchy presided over (there is no other word) by William II or one of his sons. He wanted to build a new order, or rather to resurrect the oldest order: the ‘original’ order in the strongest and most durable form it could take in this century.

And he knew that, by the choice of those forces of life which, throughout any cycle of time, untiringly oppose the ineluctable current of dissolution, he—the eternal Siegfried, both human and more than human—held both the legitimate power in this visible world and the legitimate authority emanating from beyond: the ‘power of the two Keys’. With him at the top, the pyramid of earthly hierarchies was to gradually resume its natural position, once again depicting in miniature, first in Germany, then throughout Europe and the Aryan world: the invisible Order which the Cosmos depicts in large.

It was in the name of this grandiose vision of ideal correspondences that he rejected, with equal vigour, Marxism: a doctrine of total subversion; Parliamentarism in all its forms, always based on the same superstition of quantity; and ochlocracy, a source of disorder, and therefore of constant instability.

But the traditional character of his wisdom is to be sought even more in the few texts that give us his secret, or at least intimate, talks, his open-hearted confidences in front of a few selected people, than in his writings or speeches addressed to the general public.

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[1] The Deutsche Bank, the Commerz und Privat Bank, the Dresdener Bank, the Deutsche Credit-Gesellschaft, etc.

[2] E. Kirkdorf, Fritz Thyssen, Voegler, Otto-Wolf von Schröder, then Krupp.

[3] ‘…unsere neue Auffassung, die ganz dem Ursinn der Dinge entspricht…’ (Mein Kampf, 1935 edition, page 440).

[4] Sturmabteilungen or Storm Troops.

[5] With some of his other early collaborators, such as Gregor Strasser.

[6] The elective kingship of the ancient Germans, that of the Frankish warrior raised to the flagstaff by his peers, was also ‘of divine right’ if we admit that the ‘divine’ is none other than the pure blood of a noble race.