Category: Third Reich

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Adolf Hitler Charlemagne Genuine spirituality Germany Indo-European heritage Jewish question (JQ) Swastika Third Reich

Manu’s wise words…

I usually add my comments within the posts of Karlheinz Deschner’s Christianity’s Criminal History (to contextualise this series, click here). But what I am about to say is so vital that I prefer to add it as a separate entry.

If Hitler and his closest associates, some of them anti-Christian, had understood that the Christian Question is far more toxic than the Jewish Question (the white traitor is worse than the kike), they wouldn’t have ventured into the Soviet Union.

The evil lay at home, including Hitler’s admiration for Charlemagne, the butcher of Saxons! So at home was the evil, that it was child’s play for the victorious Allies to brainwash the Germans after the Hellstorm Holocaust, in which more Germans died than Jews in the so-called Jewish Holocaust.

Had they known that the CQ was a more serious matter than the JQ, they would have prepared the German people so that, gradually—as Hitler well saw in his after-dinner talks—the Germans would abandon the religion of our (really asshole) parents. It is worth quoting, again, what the Spaniard Manu Rodríguez told me almost a decade ago:
 

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Your words have made me rethink this whole period [of the Third Reich—Ed.]. In this period the Aryan people are identified and recognised for the first time in the history of a people. For the first time, our people became aware of themselves, their origin and their nature. Since the emergence of our people (that primitive nucleus) six or seven thousand years ago, there had been nothing like it. It was a dawn, a new dawn. These were sublime moments.

This ‘birth’ has to do with the emergence of Indo-European studies, and the evolutionary and genetic studies of that time. They spread new knowledge about our biocultural being, our race, and our languages and cultures. It was a recognition. It was like looking in a mirror for the first time. We were there in those texts: in the hymns of the Rig Veda, in the Iliad, the Aeneid, the Edda, the Mabinogion. It was us, our blood, our genius, our race, that had generated those texts, those cultures, those worlds.

The swastika, our banner, was not only raised against liberalism and communism… It is only today that we are beginning to understand the greatness and scope of its mission—our mission. To situate it precisely, we can make these words of Saint-Loup our own:

[Hitler was] the man who had thrown down to the world this extraordinary challenge: to attack at the same time Anglo-Saxon capitalism, Red Bolshevism, Jewish racism, international Freemasonry, the Catholic Church, pauperism and social iniquities, the Treaty of Versailles, colonialism and the French disorder.

And the list is not complete.

It was not just Hitler, but Germany as a whole: the entire German people. It was a collective ‘enterprise’.

The German community was born armed, like Athena, the first Aryan community to awaken or be reborn. And it does so to fight against those who have sought to harm it; against a whole counter-cultural environment that denies its being. Spiritually alienated, it has to fight against the Judeo-Messianic delusion, the ‘Christian millennium’. It wasn’t the only Jewish monster that had to confront this newborn Aryan nation: communism also ravaged the population and others. The Jewish hydra had multiplied, had branched out, and had too many faces, too many heads.

It seems that we have had only one enemy throughout history: the Semitic peoples and their discourses (Jewish, Judeo-Messianic Christian and Muslim). They dominate us spiritually. It is the multiple alienations we suffer at the hands of the Semites or Semitic ideologies (religious, political, economic, anthropological, sociological, psychological…). Our enemy possesses us in one way or another. The dreaded Jewish hydra. Typhon. Evil. Our evil.

Was it an awakening, a premature birth? Too young was this community to face this age-old Monster. As a young Hero, it failed in its first attempt to defeat it. Too old and cunning such a monstrosity. It engulfed the child, and the young Aryan community, in a few years.

We must rescue the memory of this period and raise it to the top with pride. We should be proud of this period. We lost a battle, but not the war. We are still alive and active… We will beat them at last. I know that.

The birth of our people is conceived in the years before Hitler came to power. The Aryan consciousness of a whole people saw the light then and received its ‘baptism’ publicly. A whole people recognised itself. 1933 was the year of its birth, the first Aryan community to be recognised as such. It was lost in 1945. We are therefore on the 80th anniversary of its birth, the birth of the first Aryan nation, of the Aryan nation itself.

That period is an unparalleled milestone in our short history. The first appearance of our people in history. We are now a people: the Aryan nation.

Hitler symbolises our first period, our first battle and our first loss. His struggle was our struggle. His loss was our loss. But this defeat hasn’t conquered us in our first open confrontation against evil, against our evil. We were defeated, so what? It was a huge thing to fight. Too many hydra tentacles… The war has just begun.

These anniversaries of Hitler and the birth of our people have been for me like a small rebirth too. Let’s say I see more light, I see more clearly. I have a feeling about the next battle—that there will be another battle. And this time we will have a space from which to advance, a bulwark, a solid base: the Aryan nation itself. We will reconquer our people. We have many great spiritual warriors, well-armed with knowledge and truth. In the end, we will win.

This is my spirit now.

Chechar, I feel I owe this letter to you (and to all those I upset with my harsh words about Hitler and the Nazi period).

Regards,

Manu.

(translated from Spanish)

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Table talk (our translation) Third Reich

The Führer’s monologues (viii)

Given the uncompromisingness in the implementation of his ideological goals, Hitler encountered permanent resistance from all opposing forces in Europe. The struggle against communists, socialists and pacifists, waged from the beginning, became steadily tougher during the war. More complicated was the confrontation with the liberal and conservative forces of the bourgeoisie, who expressed more and more reservations as the war progressed and circumvented or delayed numerous orders. They could rarely be forced or ousted because they could not be replaced as experts in their fields of activity. Disgruntled by this, Hitler repeatedly criticised civil servants, teachers, professors and intellectuals who did not take into account the requirements of the time.

The intensification of the Weltanschauungskampf (worldview struggle) is particularly evident in the accusations against Christianity and the Christian churches. Since Christians fundamentally respect every human being as a creature of God, many of them rebelled against the practices of racial, ethnic and occupation policies when they realised that these were not temporary exaggerations or excesses, but a planned approach. Not only the small group of those who actively resisted became a danger for the National Socialist leadership, but also the constantly growing number of Christians who, out of conscientious objection, refused the regime in whole or in part.

The accusations against the churches and Christianity were so sharp not least because Hitler was by no means areligious and believed in a Creator, but in contrast to the Christians was convinced that he knew and could do His will. From his point of view, the churches were acting completely unnaturally by observing the commandment of love, which included the incurably ill, people of different skin colour and race, and unbelievers. For him, therefore, Christianity was ‘pre-Bolshevism’ (table talk #40). In Hitler’s view, Paul had transformed and used the teachings of Christ to undermine and bring down the Roman Empire from within. Through the demand for equality of all people, the uprising of the lowly and the inferior had been initiated: the ground was prepared for overthrow and destruction. ‘Pure Christianity’, Hitler concluded, ‘leads to the destruction of humanity, it is naked Bolshevism in metaphysical dressing’ (table talk #66).

The verbal radicalism of the attacks against Christianity was also determined by the fact that Hitler knew exactly that he could not wage a determined church struggle during the war. He was well aware of the power that the churches still represented. A great conflict, therefore, was bound to lead to deep anxiety among the population and evoke great dangers during the war. Therefore, it seemed advisable merely to register the opposition of the bishops, clergy and church laity and to postpone the reckoning until a later time (# 130).

Hitler’s sharp front against Christianity was by no means approved of by all, even within the NSDAP and its branches. Ministers who had gained their office through the party broke ranks. Even in the SS there were still leaders and members who had not left the church and who were bound to come into serious conflict in the event of a dispute. It was no different in the corps of political leaders up to the highest ranks. This example—others could be brought up—shows that the NSDAP was not a monolithic bloc, and that there was no basic consensus even on decisive questions. In the Weltanschauungskampf Hitler could not rely unconditionally on his party; rather, he was dependent on other forces and power-bearers to carry out his plans and orders.
 

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Editor’s Note: This wonderfully shows that it was not time to wage war! It was time to consolidate the Nazi state and educate the masses about Christianity: something that white nationalists across the Atlantic haven’t yet managed to do. (That’s why I consider them semi-normies, as I said yesterday.)
 

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But other groups of Germans were certainly not unreservedly prepared to make the goals of the National Socialist state their own. In Hitler’s national community (Volksgemeinschaft), the social contradictions and the old ideals were by no means overcome, as has been shown, but only pushed back; they broke out again when rapid rearmament and military expansion overstretched popular forces. Even before the war began, the enthusiasm of the national bourgeoisie that it had shown in the face of the reintroduction of universal conscription and the foreign policy successes of the Third Reich was waning. Regimentation, growing restrictions on economic, intellectual and cultural activity and the constant threat of external conflict led to a revival of faded principles. The working class, which to a large extent had recognised the efforts to revive the economy as well as the improvement of social benefits, increasingly rebelled against the restrictions on the choice of employment and the enforcement of their wage demands. The more powerless they felt in the face of decisions to extend working hours and worsen employment conditions, the more they became aware of the disintegration of trade union organisations.

In Hitler’s thinking, ideological goals had absolute priority, so he ignored the concerns and wishes of the population as soon as his rule was securely established. His regime became uncompromising, the subordinate leaders and generals were to be ‘ice-cold dog snouts’ and ‘unpleasant people’ (#98) when it came to accomplishing the tasks set. Convinced of the rightness of what he was striving for, he allowed no leniency or forbearance. He understood people with their faults and weaknesses, but forbade himself and others to take them into account. His regime was not in the service of the people, but the people were made to serve his worldview.

In recent years, various attempts have been made to revise the image of Hitler. According to them, the leader of the Third Reich appears as the man of peace, the patron of the arts and the builder of a new, more beautiful Europe.[1] Evidence for these theses can certainly be found in the monologues published here. And there is no doubt that Hitler knew how to win over and inspire people for himself and his goals right up to the end. But anyone who reads these conversation notes carefully, cannot ignore the fact that he wanted to build the happiness of future generations on the misfortune of those whom he declared enemies or who did not act and believe as he did. On the way to his future, not only enemies but also enthusiastic followers and faithful followers were left behind as victims.

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[1] I will mention here only one book, representative of many others, by the architect Hermann Giesler: Ein anderer Hitler. Erlebnisse–Gespräche–Reflexionen. Leoni am Starnberger See, 1978.

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Final solution Holocaust Reinhard Heydrich Table talk (our translation) Third Reich

The Führer’s monologues (vii)

In his Anmerkungen zu Hitler, Sebastian Haffner argued that the character of the National Socialist leader was determined early on and ‘astonishingly always remained the same’. This is especially true of the basic ideological positions.[1] The proof was provided by Eberhard Jäckel in his study on Hitler’s Weltanschauung.[2]

Here we will only briefly touch on the thoughts that Hitler developed in the monologues recorded by Heim. The defeat of 1918, he thought, and the harsh terms of the peace treaty so wounded the national pride and self-confidence of the German people that they exerted all their strength to get out of the distress. Without the uncompromising attitude of the victorious powers of the First World War, it would never have been possible to inflame the national passions to such an extent, to achieve the will tension to regain the former world status. Hitler, in contrast to many of his followers and voters, sought it, however, only as a prerequisite for the establishment of a larger Reich, which at the same time was to become the organising power of a new Europe. To achieve this goal, no state should be in a position to oppose these aspirations. Hitler was deeply convinced that the land ‘according to eternal natural law’ belonged to the one who conquered it, ‘because the old borders did not offer sufficient possibilities for the growth of the people’ (table talk #117).

According to Hitler’s worldview, the first and most important prerequisite for the expansion of Germany’s sphere of power was the strengthening of the people’s vital energies, and the mobilisation of their readiness to fight. Since Hitler could not imagine history without war, he considered it necessary to educate the people to affirm the struggle for existence. He therefore consistently wanted the German people to wage war every fifteen to twenty years (table talk #17). Only in this way would they be able to summon up the utmost strength and maintain the necessary toughness. To get young and old, poor and rich, citizens and workers to identify with the National Socialist regime, to get them to unreservedly link their private existence with that of the state privileges were abolished, discrimination ended, and educational and promotional opportunities improved. Above all, the entire population was to be given access to the nation’s cultural assets. However, the National Socialist leadership reserved the right to determine what art was, and which works of music, poetry and painting corresponded to the consciousness of the people. In addition, Hitler expected everyone to take advantage of their opportunities, to make full use of the possibilities offered to them. If he failed to do so, if he deliberately withdrew from the struggle for life as demanded by the state, all support and tolerance would be withdrawn. The same applied to the people as a whole. Hitler spoke of them with appreciation and respect, and praised their diligence, loyalty and many other positive qualities. But he demanded that they accept the struggle and prove themselves in it. If they did not fight resolutely and bravely, if they showed symptoms of weakness, there was no excuse: ‘If the German people are not prepared to stand up for their self-preservation, fine: then let them disappear!’ (table talk #114)

Hitler himself spared no effort and no means to increase the strength and readiness to fight, but above all the inner unity of the nation. This was served by the attempt to bring as many people of German nationality as possible into the Reich from the occupied areas of Europe and other states, to have ethnic Germans or volunteers from related nations fight in units of the Wehrmacht or the Waffen-SS, and to enlist minorities or individual members of foreign nations, as far as they were considered assimilable, for cooperation.

The declared enemies of the regime were fought with the same uncompromising zeal that was used to select those who were considered useful and qualified according to ideological principles. These included, among others, Czechs, Poles, Russians and, first and foremost, the Jews. Hitler repeatedly emphasised with emphasis that there was no leniency for ‘aliens from the community’. It has recently been claimed that the deportation and murder of the European Jews took place without the knowledge of the German head of state.[3] According to another view, the order to kill them was only given after the conflict between rival forces had become so disastrous that there was no longer any alternative.[4] In my opinion, both theses are untenable. The assumption that the decision to the ‘final solution to the Jewish question’ in Europe was taken by Hitler in the face of the realisation that the war could no longer be decided militarily[5] is not confirmed either in these records or in other sources.

Hitler was the undisputed leader, he made or approved all essential decisions, including the most momentous of the whole war. The ‘removal’ of the Jews from Europe corresponded to the consistency of his worldview, as all his statements on this subject show. And the consequence of his actions from 1939 to 1941 can also be seen in the orders and measures he gave. The Einsatzgruppen that followed the German armies into Russia had clear instructions. On 31 July 1941, Heydrich was instructed to develop a concept for the removal of the Jews from the entire German sphere of power and influence. The fact that expulsion was no longer on the agenda is shown by the impediment and, from October 1941, the ban on all emigration. On 15 October the systematic deportation of Jews from Germany and the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia began.

Ten days later, on 25 October, Hitler declared in the presence of Himmler and Heydrich at the Führer’s headquarters: ‘Before the Reichstag I prophesied to Jewry that the Jew would disappear from Europe if the war was not avoided. This criminal race has on its conscience the two million dead of the World War, now hundreds of thousands again. Don’t tell me: We can’t send them into the mire! Who cares about our people? It is good if we are preceded by the terror of eradicating Judaism. The attempt to found a Jewish state will be a failure’ (table talk #44). Without a doubt, all the fundamental decisions were made at this time. Heydrich then made the technical and organisational arrangements so that in November he could invite the state secretaries of all the ministries involved to the house on Wannsee for a meeting on 9 December 1941. The date for the conference had to be postponed given the events on the Eastern Front, but the ‘Final Solution’ was not. It began in December 1941.

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[1] Sebastian Haffner, Anmerkungen zu Hitler. Munich 1978.

[2] Eberhard Jäckel, Hitler’s Weltanschauung. Entwurf einer Herrschaft. Tübingen 1969.

[3] David Irving believes that Bormann, Himmler, Goebbels and others ruled the Reich while Hitler waged his war (Hitler’s War, p. 251). However, he fails to provide any convincing evidence for this.

[4] Martin Broszat, Hitler und die Genesis der »Endlösung« (Hitler and the Genesis of the ‘Final Solution’). On the occasion of David Irving’s theses. Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte 25, 1977, p. 746 ff.

[5] Haffner, Anmerkungen zu Hitler (op. cit.) p. 157.

Categories
Extermination of the Neanderthals Kalki Savitri Devi Souvenirs et réflexions d'une aryenne (book) Third Reich West's darkest hour

Reflections of an Aryan woman, 102

Perhaps the last great collective Aryan creation in the West was that of the German Third Reich, with the architects of the new Chancellery and the Nuremberg Stadium; the sculptors Arno Brecker and Kolbe, and the interpreters of Wagner—in particular, the extraordinary conductor Fürtwangler. It was the result of a prodigious upsurge of the whole of Germany, under the inspiration of the supreme artist, Adolf Hitler, against the tide of world decadence. This momentum was abruptly interrupted, after only six years, by England’s declaration of war on Germany, immediately followed by the familiar coalition of hatred, under the overt or subtle leadership of the Jews.

 

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Editor’s note: This is where Savitri and many white nationalists fail, in that the leadership actually came from the American ethno-traitors (see what I said yesterday about John Mearsheimer). That doesn’t mean that Jewry is non-guilty. It means that Jewry was always a minor player compared to the anti-German initiative of the Anglo-Americans. (The best metaphor I can think of is a poison in which the active ingredient is provided by the ethno-traitors, and the catalyst that accelerates that poison by the Jews.)

 

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Everything that the non-German West has produced recently that is truly great—in France, for example, the work of a Robert Brasillach, a Henry de Montherlant, a Céline, a Benoît-Méchin, a Saint-Loup—has been, in one way or another, affected by the spirit of the Reich. There is, moreover, from one end to the other, a deep pessimism like a prescience of the inevitable death or the ‘decline of the West’ already announced by Spengler.

And the East is no better. It lives on its traditional wisdom; it performs its immutable rites and quotes its sacred scriptures whose content is older than prehistory since it is truth itself—non-human truth. But it doesn’t seem to have the strength to draw from it anything to regenerate from top to bottom. (It is, I remind you, a Hindu minority, as well as a European one, and a minority without political influence, alas, that has understood what eternal link exists between Hitlerism and the Doctrine of violent action in absolute detachment, as preached by Lord Krishna to the Aryan warrior Arjuna, in the Bhagawad-Gita).

I have, on the other hand, now, in 1971, found in India more echoes than ever of the expression of my passionate expectation of the Kalki avatar, and the end of the Dark Age. Others await it as I do, and they too don’t feel that there is anything to deplore at the thought of the end of man—except for those few whom the last divine Incarnation will welcome as collaborators, deeming them worthy to open with Him the Golden Age of the next Cycle.

There is no reason to be saddened by the idea that the innumerable ugliness that we see spreading everywhere, on every continent, will one day be definitively swept away along with those who have produced them, encouraged or tolerated them, and who continue to produce new ones.

There is no need to be saddened by the fear that the old and beautiful human creations—the Pyramids of Giza, the Parthenon, the temples of South India, Ellora, Angkor, Chartres Cathedral—may well be swept away along with them, in the colossal fury of the End.

The ugliness that man has accumulated, the desecrations of the Earth of which even the best races have been guilty in this century of universal decay, neutralise by far all that the genius of the Ancients has produced that is greatest and most beautiful. They make us forget the winged bulls of Babylon and Assyria, the friezes of the Greek temples and the Byzantine mosaics, and tip the scales in favour of the disappearance of the human species.

Moreover, eternal works no longer belong in today’s world. We don’t even see them anymore. The ugly glass and steel buildings for offices, erected recently in the centre of Athens around the Place de la Constitution, completely hide the view of the Acropolis from anyone standing in the square. The frame of the four-thousand-year-old cities is destroyed. Lycabettos, three-quarters stripped of its beautiful pine forest, is no longer Lycabettos in the eyes of those who knew and loved it fifty years ago.

And so it is everywhere. It is, or will be tomorrow on a planetary scale, the realisation of the sacrilegious dream of Descartes and all the devotees of anthropocentrism. It is the triumph of the immense human anthill over the savannah, the desert, all the terrestrial spaces where the superior man could still be alone and, through visible beauty and contact with the innocence of private life of the word, commune with the eternal.

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3-eyed crow Adolf Hitler Savitri Devi Second World War Souvenirs et réflexions d'une aryenne (book) Third Reich West's darkest hour

Reflections of an Aryan woman, 83

The leaders who have led, or will lead, some phase of the eternal struggle ‘against Time’ after the limit point where a last great recovery would still have been possible—after what Virgil Ghéorghiou calls ‘the twenty-fifth hour’—, haven’t been able and won’t be able to leave behind them anything in this visible and tangible world, except a handful of clandestine disciples.

And these have, and will have, nothing to look forward to—except the coming of Kalki; or the Saoshyant of the Zoroastrians, the Maitreya Buddha of the Buddhists, the glorious fighting Christ as expected by the Christians at his ‘second coming’,[1] the Mahdi of the Mohammedans, the immortal Emperor of the Germans surging forth, armed, from his enigmatic Cave at the head of his avenging Knights. He who returns for the last time in our cycle has many names. But He is the same under all of them.

Now He is known by His action, that is, by His victory over all, followed by the dazzling dawn of the next cycle: the new Satya Yuga, or Age of Truth.

The defeat in this world of a Leader who fought against universal decadence, and therefore against the very meaning of Time, is enough to prove that this Leader, however great he may have been, was not Him. He may well have been Him in essence: the eternal Saviour, not of ‘man’ but of Life who ‘returns’ innumerable times. But he was certainly not Him, in the ultimate form in which He must reappear at the end of every cycle.

Adolf Hitler was not Kalki, though he was, essentially speaking, the same as the ancient Rama Chandra, or the historical Krishna, or Siegfried, or the Prophet Mohammed, the Leader of a true ‘holy war’ (i.e., of a ceaseless struggle against the Forces of disintegration; against the Forces of the abyss). He was, like every great Fighter against the current of Time, a Forerunner of Kalki. He was, still in essence, the Emperor of the Cave. With him the latter reappeared, intensely awake and in arms, as he had reappeared before in the person of various great German leaders, especially Frederick II of Prussia, whom Adolf Hitler so revered. But this was not his last and final reappearance in this cycle.

In both cases he had awakened to the sound of the distress of his people. Carried away by the enthusiasm of the action, he had, with his faithful barons, dashed a few steps out of the cave.

Then he returned to the shadows, the Omniscient Ravens having told him that it was, despite impressive signs, ‘not yet the time’.

Frederick II founded the Old Prussian Lodges, through which the more-than-human truth was to continue to be passed on to a few generations of initiates after him. Adolf Hitler left his admirable Testament, in which he too exhorts the best to keep their blood pure, to resist the invasion of error and lies—of the counter-Tradition—and to wait.

He knew that the ‘twenty-fifth hour’ had come, and long ago. At the age of sixteen, as I have already mentioned, he had a premonition of his own materially useless but necessary struggle.

As a German, as an Aryan, a man conscious of the excellence of the Aryan race, although he was an integral part of it, he was eager to defeat the world arrayed against him and his people. He was striving with all his strength, with all his genius, for the building of a superior and lasting society, a visible reflection of the cosmic order, the Reich of his dreams.

And he was striving against all hope, against all reason, in an inordinate effort to stop at all costs the levelling, the dumbing down, the disfigurement of the most beautiful and gifted variety of men; to prevent forever its reduction to the state of a mass without race and character. And he struggled, with all the bitterness of an artist, against the shameless destruction of the living and beautiful natural environment, in which he rightly saw an increasingly patent sign of the imminent victory of the Forces of disintegration.

His irrational confidence in an in extremis salvation using the ‘secret weapon’; his feverish expectation, under burning Berlin, of the entry into action of ‘General Wenck’s army’, which had long since ceased to exist, are reminiscent, in dramatic absurdity, whatever Christians may think, of Christ’s attitude in Gethsemane, praying that the chalice of suffering, which he had come to drink to the dregs, might be removed from his lips.

Adolf Hitler—since he was a combatant against Time, whose kingdom, if it belonged to the eternal, was also ‘of this world’—clung to the illusion of total victory and, despite everything, of an immediate recovery to the end. He clung to it, I repeat, as a German and as a man. As an insider, he knew that this was an illusion, that it was ‘too late’ already in 1920. He had seen it, on that extraordinary night on top of Freienberg in 1905. And the real leaders of the ‘Black Order’—in particular those of the Ahnenerbe, aware as he was of the inevitability of the cycle that was nearing its end—were already preparing, before 1945, the clandestine survival of the essential, beyond the collapse of National Socialist Germany.

And we who follow them and him also know that there will never be a Hitlerian civilisation.

No, hope no more to see us again,
Sacred walls that could not preserve my Hector.

I remember this verse that Racine puts in the mouth of Andromache, in scene IV of the first act of his tragedy of that name. And I think that the grandiose parades to the rhythm of the Horst Wessel Lied, under the folds of the red, white and black swastika standard, and all that glory that was the Third German Reich, the nucleus of a pan-Aryan Empire, are as irrevocably past as the splendours of prestigious Troy; as ‘past’ and as immortal, because one day Legend will recreate them, when epic poetry is again a collective need.

He who returns from age to age, both destroyer and preserver, will appear again at the very end of your cycle, to open to the best the Golden Age of the next cycle. As I have recalled in these pages, Adolf Hitler was waiting for it. He said to Hans Grimm in 1928: ‘I know that I am not the One who is to come’, that is, the last and only fully victorious Man against Time of our cycle. ‘I only take on the most urgent task of preparation (die dringlichste Vorarbeit), for there is no one to do it’.

One incommensurably harder than he will accomplish the final task—the task of rectification—on the ruins of a humanity that believed all was permitted because it is endowed with a brain capable of calculations, and which largely deserved its fall and its loss.

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[1] The Deuteria Parousia spoken of by the Greek Orthodox Church.

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Adolf Hitler Genuine spirituality Hinduism India Savitri Devi Second World War Souvenirs et réflexions d'une aryenne (book) Third Reich

Reflections of an Aryan woman, 78

I have always, however, been pleasantly struck by the understanding I have encountered, as a Hitlerite, among orthodox Hindus of all castes.

I related at the beginning of these talks the episode of the young Shudra, with the beautiful historical name of Khudiram, who showed more sense of true values—and a more accurate appreciation of Adolf Hitler’s role—than all the Democrats of Europe and America put together. I have also quoted Satyananda Swami, the founder of the Hindu Mission, for whom, however, the creation of a common Hindu front against the clutches of Islam, Christian missionaries, and Communism, counted even more than strict observance of orthodoxy. The latter held our Führer to be ‘incarnation of Vishnu—the only one in the West’.

I could, on this subject, multiply my recollections and recall for example that admirable Brahmin of Poona, Pandit Rajwadé, so versed in the work of Nietzsche as in the sacred texts (which he commented on, twice a week, before a narrow circle of disciples) and who professed the deepest admiration for ‘the chakravarti king [universal ruler] of Europe’ who had come to ‘re-establish the true order’ in a world adrift. I could relate the words of another unusual man—less literate perhaps, but gifted with a strange power of clairvoyance—whom I met at the beginning of the war in a friendly family, of which he was the guru or spiritual master. This wise man said to me: ‘Your Führer can only be victorious because the gods themselves dictate his strategy. Every night he divides himself into two and comes here to the Himalayas to receive instructions’.

I wondered what Adolf Hitler would have thought of this unexpected explanation of the German army’s victories. I then said to the holy man:

‘It is, in this case, unquestionable that he will win the war.’

‘No’ he replied, ‘for there will come a time when his generals will reject his divine inspiration and disobey him—will betray him!’

And he added: ‘It cannot be otherwise; if he is an Incarnation, he is not the supreme Incarnation—the last of this cycle’—Alas!

(City of joy: Calcutta by Samir Barman.) But that’s not all. How could I forget the atmosphere of the orthodox Hindu families with whom I am most familiar? That, for instance, of the house of one of my brothers-in-law, then still living, and a physician at Medinipur, [1] with whom I was staying during the Norwegian and early French campaigns? They all enthusiastically accepted my suggestion to go to the temple of the Goddess Kali—to the ‘House of Kali’ as we say in Bengali—to give thanks to the One who both blesses and kills for the triumphal advance of the soldiers of great German Reich.

We went in procession, carrying offerings of rice, sugar, flour, fruit, garlands of scarlet flowers—in the absence of the bloody sacrifice which the family rejected as much as I did. I can still see myself, surrounded by young people who were also proud of their Aryan ancestry, standing before the terrible Image with the curved sword. Inhaling the smoke of the incense, lulled by the haunting musicality of Sanskrit liturgical formulas, I sometimes closed my eyes to better see in my mind’s eye, like a grandiose fresco, the parade of German armoured vehicles along the roads of Europe.

I lived intensely my role as a link between the oldest living Aryan civilisation in the East and this Aryan West that Adolf Hitler was conquering to return it to itself and regenerate it. Then I looked at my nephews and nieces, and the young Brahmins, their neighbours and fellow students, who had accompanied me. And I dreamed of the day when I would finally see the new Emperor—the eternal Emperor—of the Twilight Lands [Abendland = West], awake and rising from his mysterious cave, and when, greeting him with my outstretched arm, I would say to him, ‘Mein Führer, I bring you the allegiance of the elite of India!’

It didn’t seem an impossible dream then…

How could I forget the general joy in Calcutta—and no doubt in the rest of the peninsula too—at the news of Adolf Hitler’s troops entering Paris or, some twenty months later, at the announcement of the lightning advance of our allies the Japanese to the Assam border and beyond?

The kids themselves, newspaper sellers, their faces radiant, triumphantly threw to the public the names of the captured cities—every news day: Kuala Lumpur, Singapore, Rangoon, Mandalay, Akyab, Imphal in Indian territory—one after the other. The colonial government had banned listening to German radio. People who could hear German were listening to it illegally.

I know Hindus who listened to it without understanding a word just to hear the voice of the Führer. They felt that the One who spoke to the Aryan world in an ‘Indo-European’ language unknown to them was also speaking to them—at least to the racial elite of their continent.
 

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Editor’s note:

Compare this holy euphoria with the way the Americans and the British people reacted to Hitler’s divine voice! Compare it with the red letters in our very long post yesterday (‘American racial history timeline—Or—On Jared Taylor’s cherries’)!

It needs to be said a million times until it is understood: Christianity fried the brains of the Aryan man to the extent that, after WW2, the Aryan man handed over their Abendland to the Jews!

To save the white race from the anti-White war of extermination that the entire Abendland is suffering, it is an absolute categorical imperative to repudiate, with all our being, the accursed religion of our imbecilic parents.

If the Aryans of India had conquered Abendland with their religion, during WW2 Westerners, including the American and English people, would have been as euphoric at the German advance in Europe, and beyond, as these children untainted with a lethal Semitic-Christian poison.

___________

[1] Still often written as Midnapore: a city in West Bengal.

Categories
New Testament Racial studies Savitri Devi Schutzstaffel (SS) Souvenirs et réflexions d'une aryenne (book) Third Reich Tom Sunic

Reflections of an Aryan woman, 74

One of the earliest epigraphically attested reference to the word
arya occurs in the 6th-century b.c.e. Behistun inscription.

Moreover, it was not only with the initiates of the Forbidden City of Lhasa (and perhaps with the Dalai Lama himself) that the spiritual elite of the SS Order—which was that of a new traditional civilisation in the making, if not currently in gestation—sought contact. To my humble knowledge, there were also similar meetings in India: meetings that few people in the West suspect, quite apart from the political conversations that may have taken place with certain Hindu leaders, such as Subhas Chandra Bose, in India and Germany before and during the Second World War.
 

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Editor’s Note: With the benefit of hindsight, it is relatively easy to see that this esoteric search was a fool’s errand. Given what happened in real history, what the Nazi elite ought to have studied was already written in the German language. I refer to the texts by Nietzsche that we quote at the appendix to the masthead of this site (pages 84-90, here).

Now that Christian axiology has reached its apex, albeit in secularised form, it is clear that Evil, with a capital ‘E’, always came from Judeo-Christian ethical injunctions in secularised form.

It is not that the 21st-century priest of the sacred words is feeling superior to the Nazis of the previous century. Rather, they lacked the perspective that we have so far. For example, what we said last November about the evangelist Mark, who invented the fictitious figure of Jesus just after the Romans destroyed the Temple in Jerusalem, is something that no German Nazi ever thought of.

The exegesis of the New Testament had to develop to the degree that it has developed today—and I am referring to the non-existence of the historical Jesus—for us to realise that the whole New Testament thing was, from the beginning, a very subversive text aimed against Rome (this is very clear in the last book of the Bible).

There was nothing to be looking for in Tibet or India. The Third Reich would have done well to take New Testament studies where Richard Carrier has recently taken them. But as the Irish commenter Gaedhal said on this site, American racialists are even more primitive than liberal Christians in that they don’t even want to know that the New Testament has been subjected to rigorous scrutiny since the German Enlightenment (cf. what we have been saying about Reimarus). Apparently, I am the only one who has pointed out these studies in the racialist forums of the new century. But let’s move on to Savitri….
 

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Since 1935, a cultural magazine, The New Mercury, had been published in Calcutta, very ably edited by Sri Asit Krishna Mukherji, in collaboration with Sri Vinaya Datta and some others. The Fuhrer’s speeches, of which the official press, both in English and Bengali, reported only excerpts, were spread in extenso, especially if they were, as was often the case, of interest beyond ‘politics’. One of them, which particularly caught my attention at the time, was on the subject of ‘Architecture and the Nation’. But the said journal also published studies on everything that could tend to bring to light a deep, non-political connection, going back very far and very high, between the traditional Hindu civilisation as it has never ceased to exist, and the traditional Germanic civilisation, as it had existed, long before Christianity, and aspired to be reborn. These studies revealed in their authors, in addition to the indispensable archaeological erudition, serious knowledge of cosmic symbolism. Several of them were, needless to say, centred on the Swastika.

They seemed to show, indirectly, the exceptional character of a great modern state which recognised as its own a sign of such universal significance; engraved it on all its public monuments, and printed it on all its banners. At the same time, they suggested the aspiration of this great State to renew contact with the primordial Tradition, from which Europe had already detached itself for centuries, but of which India had kept the invaluable deposit.
 

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Editor’s note: Let me clarify this matter a little more. All this searching for India’s Aryan roots is good. What was wrong is not seeing the Christian enemy next door: the Anglo-American slaves of Judeo-Christian ethics, who would murder this revived Aryan baby through the Hellstorm Holocaust (read Tom Sunic’s Homo Americanus). In other words: the priority should have been to know their fanatic enemy, the Judaized Anglo-Americans, and looking for the Aryan roots should’ve been a secondary matter. Savitri continues:

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I have no evidence that the Ahnenerbe played any part in the publication of the New Mercury. This seems to me all the less likely as this special section of the SS was itself only founded in 1935, the same year as the said magazine. But I know that the latter was at least partly financially supported by the government of the Third Reich. Germans, and representatives—German or not—of German firms in India were supposed to subscribe to it. And at least one of them, to my knowledge, was recalled to Germany, having been dismissed from the direction of the branch which he governed for years, for having refused to do so and declaring that ‘this new-style propaganda’ (sic) did not interest him.

The founder and editor of the periodical, Sri A. K. Mukherji, remained in close contact with Herr von Selzam, the German Consul General in Calcutta, as long as he remained in that post. And this official representative of Adolf Hitler gave him, on the eve of his departure, a document addressed to the German authorities, in which it was specified in no uncertain terms that ‘no one in Asia had rendered the Reich services comparable to his’. I saw this document. I read it again and again, with joy, with pride, as an Aryan and a Hitlerite, and as the wife of Sri A. K. Mukherji. I have already alluded to it in these reflections.

I can’t say whether or not the services referred to therein went beyond the rather narrow confines of Sri A. K. Mukherji’s activities as editor of a fortnightly, traditionalist journal, both Hindu and pro-German. It would seem that they had outgrown them, for the journal had lasted only two years; the British authorities having banned it towards the end of 1937, shortly after the definitive ‘turning point’ in the evolution of British policy towards the Reich. In any case, I didn’t know Sri A. K. Mukherji personally at that time: his name only evoked, for me, the existence of the only magazine of distinctly Hitlerian tendencies that I knew in India. But one thing leads me to believe that his knowledge of esoteric Hitlerism, i.e. of the deep connection of the Führer’s secret doctrine with the eternal tradition, was in no way comparable to the vague impressions I might have had on the same subject. In the very first conversation I had with him, after having had the honour of being introduced to him—on 9 January 1938—, less than two years later, he was destined to give me his name and his protection, and asked me incidentally what I thought of Dietrich Eckart.

I knew that this was the author of the famous poem Deutschland erwache, the fighter of the very first days of the Kampfzeit, who died a few weeks after the failed putsch of 9 November 1923 at the age of fifty-five: the comrade to whom Adolf Hitler had dedicated the second part of Mein Kampf. I was still unaware of the existence of the Thülegesellschaft, and was therefore far from suspecting the role that the poet of the national revolution had played with the Führer.

I enthusiastically displayed my pitifully little erudition. My interlocutor, who had rendered, and would soon render, to the Third Reich (and later to its Japanese allies) ‘services comparable to those of no other’, smiled and moved on to another subject.

Categories
Adolf Hitler Genuine spirituality Savitri Devi Schutzstaffel (SS) Souvenirs et réflexions d'une aryenne (book) Third Reich Transvaluation of all values Welfare of animals

Reflections of an Aryan woman, 70

As I noted above, the particular restrictions he had been able to impose on himself up to that point, in a spirit of asceticism, became unnecessary. And if he continued to observe some of them; if among other things, he obstinately abstained from alcoholic beverages and tobacco, it was out of natural disposition rather than out of a concern for discipline. And if he also refused to eat any meat, it was because deep down he—the artist and friend of animals—had a deepening disgust with the ugliness and horror of the slaughterhouse and the butchery. That said, he lived from then on as a harmoniously balanced man, mingling, without embarrassment or astonishment, with the most refined society if he deemed it necessary for his work or if, after hours of contact with his rough SA and the people, he found there a source of relaxation.

He enjoyed the company of women and, like Siegfried, the prophet Mohammed, Krishna, the incarnate God, and other illustrious fighters ‘against Time’, he knew love, sporadically at least, it seems, when he had the time! Above all, he lived for all the satisfactions that art in all its forms could give him; art that he placed so high that he didn’t admit that a man who was insensitive to it should ever take over the leadership of a National Socialist state. People who, like the French writer Malraux—who certainly cannot be suspected of any bias toward him!—met him at social gatherings and embassy dinners, admit that he was ‘witty’, even ‘humorous’ and that he ‘knew how to dance’ in the sense of Nietzsche’s definition of the term.

But at the same time, he remained first and foremost a man of his fight. And he seems to have been increasingly aware of the need for those who led this struggle under him and in collaboration with him to have a share in the secret knowledge of more than human origin. Hence his dream of a hierarchical German Empire—and beyond it, a hierarchical world according to the spirit of Tradition: a ‘caste system on a planetary scale’ to use the expression of a Hindu, an intelligent admirer of the German Third Reich.

Hence, too, his efforts to create the Order: ‘a veritable lay priesthood’ as Rauschning wrote, which was to be the guardian of Tradition at the top of the social pyramid of the Great Reich and, after the inevitable collapse, at the top of that of the faithful survivors.

This Order, as I have said, was the Schutzstaffel or ‘Echelons of protection’, commonly referred to by its initials—SS—which the Führer wanted to be both ‘militant’ and ‘triumphant’ in the sense in which these terms are applied to the Church in Catholic theology; that is to say, warlike and concerned above all with the defence and expansion of the Aryan elite’s strongholds in this world, and having attained at least a certain degree of being, separating it from the rest of mankind as the ‘chosen ones’ are separated from the ‘world’, the initiated from the uninitiated, in all traditional societies.

Without the existence of such an Order, the reversal of false values on all planes, including the material plane, was inconceivable.

Categories
Franklin D. Roosevelt Mainstream media Real men Rudolf Hess Third Reich United States

History of American NS, 2

German-American Bund camp

1936-1941

German-American Bund

At its height, the Friends of the New Germany had approximately 10,000 members. This is ten times the number of members that Gau-USA had, and twenty times the number of its predecessor, Teutonia. However, sixty percent of FDND members were German citizens, not eligible for membership in the newly reorganized Bund. In a sense, Kuhn had to rebuild the Bund from the ground up.

Fritz Julius Kuhn was born in Munich in 1896. He served as an infantry lieutenant during the First World War, and had earned the Iron Cross Second Class. Kuhn and his wife Elsa emigrated to Mexico in 1923. They moved to the US in 1927, and Kuhn became a naturalized citizen in 1933. He settled in Detroit and was employed as a chemist by the Ford Motor Corporation. He took an active interest in ethnic politics, and became the leader of the Detroit chapter of the FDND.

A minor point, but one that is worth addressing: Kuhn’s title was Bundesleiter. Historians and biographers, however, in error frequently refer to him as BundesFüher. But Kuhn himself was quick to point out that there was only one Füher, and that was Adolf Hitler.

Under his determined and energetic leadership, the Bund grew steadily. By the time it ceased operations in December 1941, the Bund had an organized presence in 47 of the 48 states (the exception being Louisiana), with a combined 163 local chapters. A fully accredited chapter was known as a ‘unit’. As a minimum requirement, each unit had a unit leader, a treasurer, a public relations officer and a nine-man OD squad. Many units had a membership of over a hundred. Chapters that could not meet the minimum requirements were known as ‘branches’, and were attached to the nearest unit.

The Bund was divided into three departments – Eastern, Midwestern and Western – which in turn were divided into regions. The regions were subdivided into state organizations, which were further organized by city, neighbourhood, and even block-by-block where the membership warranted it. Total membership is unknown, but probably exceeded 25,000. The uniformed Order Division had an estimated 3,000 members nationwide.

The Bund published a weekly newspaper, with both German-language and English content. It was initially called the Deutscher Weckruf und Beobachter (‘German Wake-Up Call and Observer’). By 1937, it had a total circulation of 20,000. Three regional editions were published that carried local news and advertisements. In 1939, as part of an ongoing effort to Americanize the Bund, its full name was lengthened to Deutscher Weckruf und Beobachter and Free American. From that point on, for convenience’s sake, it was normally referred to simply as the Free American. Building on its success, the Bund published several other publications, including a youth magazine.

A notable Bund feature were its summer camps, which were located on Bund-owned property. There were 18 of these camps in all. Some were modest in size, but others, like Camp Nordland in New Jersey, Camp Siegfried on New York’s Long Island and Camp Hindenburg in Wisconsin, were large and elaborate, with facilities for year-round living. Camp activities included hiking, camping, swimming and other athletics. There were also communal cultural activities. Special programs were developed for young people, designed to build comradeship and to strengthen bodies, minds and character.
 

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Editor’s note: Could one imagine this in today’s US? They wouldn’t even let them protest against a historic statue that the government removed in Charlottesville! One of the biggest lies of the American system is that it claims to allow freedom of speech and association. As we will see in the subsequent history of the Bund, it allows neither. The American system has ways of destroying dissidents through legal and paralegal system of penalties, as we shall see not only in the destruction of the Bund but of the pro-Aryan groups that followed it.
 

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The Bund was not a political organization in the normal sense of the word, and did not run candidates for office. It did, however, hold public meetings and parades, and these gatherings became a target for protests by Communists and Jews. Sometimes the protestors would physically attack the Bund members, resulting in bloody brawls. Clashes between uniformed National Socialists and their enemies received generous publicity in the mainstream media, which was eager to portray the ‘Bundists’ (as they termed the Bund members) as violent troublemakers. Back in Germany, the NSDAP viewed such publicity as detrimental to the foreign policy interests of the Reich. The same concerns that Hitler and Hess had over Gau-USA and the Friends of the New Germany had not gone away: instead, they were taking place on a larger scale and with increased media scrutiny.
 

The Bund’s 1936 trip to Germany

Nearly all Bund activity took place on a local level, but on at least two occasions, the Bund pooled its resources for a major national event. The first of these was an excursion to Hitler’s Germany in the summer of 1936. The second was a mass rally in New York City’s Madison Square Garden in February 1939.

The year 1936 was a watershed for Hitler’s Germany. When the National Socialists assumed power in early 1933, the country was in a dreadful condition as a result of the lost world war and fifteen years of democratic incompetence and corruption. It had been ravaged by the Great Depression and the depredations of the Treaty of Versailles. The economy was a wreck, unemployment was at a record high; many thousands of the most energetic and skilful Germans emigrated each year to seek a better life elsewhere. The media was in the hands of the Jews, as were other important segments of society. But after only three years of National Socialism, the Reich had been reborn: hunger had been banished, the economy was booming and the armed forces had been reorganized and strengthened. A new sense of optimism and national pride filled the population.

The 1936 Summer Olympics, held in Berlin, brought countless guests and tourists to the new Germany. Among those visitors were Fritz Kuhn and some 50 members of the newly-formed Bund. The American National Socialists toured the country, and were widely feted as heroes. Uniformed members of the OD were accorded the same privilege as the German SA and allowed to ride public transportation for free. In Munich, uniformed Bund members marched with the SA, the SS and the Hitler Youth in a parade.

Shortly before the beginning of the second parade in Berlin, Bundesleiter Kuhn and his officers were granted a short, formal audience with Hitler. This meeting is what today might be termed a ‘photo-op’ – the Füher shook hands with them and chatted amiably for a few minutes. One photograph from the occasion shows Hitler and Kuhn talking together. As the brief audience wrapped up, Hitler told Kuhn, ‘Go back and continue the struggle over there’. Nothing deep or significant was meant by these words: they were just a courtesy by the Füher to his American followers.

Upon his return to the United States, Kuhn lost no time in misrepresenting his brief photo-op with Hitler. Kuhn told reporters, ‘I have a special arrangement with the Füher’ to build the NS movement in America. Rumours spread that there had been a second, private meeting between Chancellor Hitler and the Bundesleiter, during which Hitler had given Kuhn detailed instructions on strengthening Germany’s position in the New World. Kuhn did nothing to stop the spread of such tall tales, and instead maintained that he had received a direct mandate from Hitler to lead the American movement.

Kuhn’s dishonesty and false claims undoubtedly strengthened his position as the undisputed leader of the Bund. They came at a steep cost, however, because now they lent credibility to the charges made by the Jews and other anti-German forces that Hitler harboured aggressive aims towards America. The foreign-born Kuhn, with his thick German accent and mannerisms that some felt were off-putting, became the public face of domestic National Socialism to ordinary citizens. It was a face that many found hostile and threatening. Instead of building support and sympathy for the New Germany, Kuhn had alienated a huge swath of the American population.
 

What Hitler and the NSDAP wanted from German-Americans

Hitler had low respect for groups or parties in other countries that wanted to imitate the NSDAP. He realized that such copycat groups were inorganic and essentially foreign to their folk. This included not just the Bund, but also NS parties such as those in Denmark and Sweden. He commented that if Sir Oswald Mosley were really a great man as he presented himself he would have come up with an original movement of his own, instead of merely aping the NSDAP and Mussolini’s Fascists.

But this does not mean that he felt that there was no way for Germans outside the Reich in foreign countries to help build National Socialism. Regarding the US, the Füher felt that there were two primary ways that indigenous American National Socialists could help the New Germany:

1. Those German-Americans and expatriate German nationals residing in the US could most effectively help out by relocating to Germany. There they could help build National Socialism first-hand in the Fatherland.

And, in fact, many did exactly this. An agency was set up to encourage and assist with their relocation, the Deutsches Auslands Institut (German Foreign Institute). It was headed by Fritz Gissibl, former leader of Teutonia and the FDND, provided financial assistance to Germans who wanted to return to their Fatherland, and it helped them reintegrate into German society. In this connection, an association was formed for German-Americans who had returned, called Kameradschaft-USA.

2. For those German-Americans unable or unwilling to relocate to Germany, there was still an important task that they could perform. Since the earliest days of the Hitler government, Germany had been faced with an international economic boycott of German goods by the Jews and their many allies. This hampered the economic recovery and financial growth of the Reich. By working to weaken the boycott and promote German imports, pro-NS Americans could render immediate and tangible aid to the Movement.

Fritz Kuhn formed a corporation to organize an NS fightback against the boycott, first called the Deutsch-Amerikaner Wirstschafts Anschluss (German-American Protective Alliance), and later renamed theDeutscher Konsum Verband (German Business League). The DKV urged American merchants to ignore the Jewish boycott and to buy German goods for resale. It also encouraged American consumers to buy goods made in Germany. The DKV held a highly publicized ‘Christmas Fair’ highlighting German-made products and promoting their sale.

The DAI and the DAWA/DKV had the full and enthusiastic support of Hitler and the NSDAP. Uniformed marches, provocative speeches and confrontational meetings, however, were the mainstays of public Bund activity and did not meet with the approval of Reich authorities, who did whatever they could to discourage such activities and to distance themselves from them – to no avail.
 

The Madison Square Garden rally

On February 20, 1939, the Bund held a mammoth rally in New York’s Madison Square Garden. The event was billed as a ‘Mass Demonstration for True Americanism’. It took place in proximity to George Washington’s birthday, and indeed, a gigantic image of the first president formed a backdrop for the speaker’s platform. Over 22,000 Bund members and allies gathered for the occasion, easily making it the largest National Socialist meeting ever held in North America, before or since. Some 1,200 OD men under the command of August Klapprott provided security. Outside the Garden, 80,000 unruly anti-Bund protestors scuffled with the police in an unsuccessful effort to disrupt the meeting.
 

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Editor’s note: Eighty thousand? The anti-NS sentiment in America isn’t just a thing of our times! Incidentally, red emphasis below, of Kerr’s text, is mine. I just want to show that since the beginning of the American racialist movements, they never stopped worshiping the Jewish god:
 

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Among the speakers were National Secretary James Wheeler Hill, National Public Relations Director Gerhard Wilhelm Kunze and Bundesleiter Kuhn. As Kuhn began his address, a Jew named Isadore Greenbaum pushed his way past the police, slipped between two OD guards, and rushed the stage. He was armed with a knife. The would-be assassin was quickly tackled by the OD and beaten into submission. Klapprott pulled his men off the Jew before he was badly hurt, and he was turned over to the police for arrest. Kuhn continued speaking without interruption. Later, some members and followers leaving the meeting were assaulted by the mob outside.

The Bund portrayed the event as a huge victory. And indeed, it was an impressive tactical and logistical triumph. The Bund had shown that it could organize a successful mass meeting in the face of massive opposition.

But the reaction in Berlin was not so favourable. From the standpoint of the German government, this was exactly the type of publicity that they did not want.
 

Bund ideology and outreach

The Bund formally adhered to the National Socialist worldview as expressed in NS Germany. But there was a problem: the US was not Germany, and the social, economic, political and racial situation in America did not correspond to that of Germany. The program and exact policies of the NSDAP did not fit the American scene. Kuhn’s solution to the quandary was two-fold: the Bund adhered strictly to German National Socialism internally, but in terms of public outreach it advocated an ideology that was an awkward fusion of National Socialism and the Christian Nationalism of the times. ‘Christian Nationalism’ was roughly equivalent to modern White Nationalism. It was not a religious movement, per se; rather, by ‘Christian’ it was understood that Jews were excluded. An example of this was a statement by Kuhn quoted in the New York Times:’ I am a White Man and I give the White Man’s salute: Heil Hitler!’

Publicly, the Bund claimed to be for ‘100 percent Americanism’ and opposed to ‘Jewish communism’. It never attempted to forge a specific American National Socialism, unique to the experiences and situation of the Aryan race in North America.

When it felt the need to give some intellectual heft to its outreach, the Bund would refer to the writings of Lawrence Dennis, who was the foremost American Fascist intellectual of the period, or to other non-Bund, non-NS theoreticians and commentators.

The German National Socialist Colin Ross attempted to provide some intellectual ballast for the Movement in America with his 1937 book, Unser Amerika (Our America). He gave lectures throughout the US which were supported and attended by Bund members. But in the end, he was an outsider, and it is unclear to what extent his work had any effect on the Movement in the US.
 

Decline and end of the Bund

The Madison Square Garden rally aggravated the increasing dissatisfaction of the German government with the Bund. The German ambassador, Hans Diekhoff, had a contentious relationship with the group. Public opinion, largely manufactured and manipulated by the Jews, was already strongly tilted against the Reich. The media wanted to portray the Bund as a violent, un-American subversive organization directly under Hitler’s command; every headline that played into that false image made Diekhoff’s already-challenging job that much more difficult. He sent repeated dispatches to Berlin urging the German government to sever all ties with the Bund and publicly disown it. But the truth was that there was little or nothing Berlin could do: Contrary to popular belief, the Bund was not under the command of Hitler, the German government, or the NSDAP. It was an independent organization that could conduct its operations in any way that it wished.

The average American had a negative appreciation of the Bund. It was widely assumed that the Bund was a ‘fifth column’, designed to aid the ‘Nazis’ if the Germans invaded the United States – which the media assured the public was Hitler’s ultimate aim.

Consequently, there was a widespread feeling that the government should ‘do something’ about the Bund. The Roosevelt regime was more than willing to comply, but there was a hitch: the Bund operated strictly within the limits of US law.

Eventually, the authorities found a solution: In May, 1939, Kuhn was charged with the embezzlement of approximately $14,000 of Bund funds. Kuhn had foolishly taken as a mistress Virginia Cogswell, a former beauty queen. He had purportedly used Bunds funds to pay for her medical bills and to ship some used furniture to her from California. The Bund hierarchy responded to the charges that Kuhn, as leader of the Bund, was free to use the money in question in any manner that he wanted to. But the government was out for blood, and in November Kuhn was convicted of misusing Bund funds. Eventually he was sent to New York’s Sing Sing prison.

The scandal, rocked the Bund, and resulted in many resignations. However, a new leader, Gerhard Wilhelm Kunze, stepped forward to lead the group until Kuhn was free again.

Bund operations continued until December 8, 1941 – the day after the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor, and three days before Hitler’s declaration of war against the United States. On that day the Bund national council voted to dissolve the organization, and it burnt sensitive documents before they could be seized by the FBI.

 
Other National Socialist and pro-NS groups

Although we have concentrated our attention on the German-American Bund, the Bund was not the only NS formation in the US during the pre-War period. We have previously mentioned the short-lived American National-Socialist Party of Anton Haegele (1935). In 1939, the Brooklyn chapter of the Bund – which was the largest in the nation – broke away and reformed the ANSP, under the leadership of Peter Stahrenberg. But, despite the excellence of its newspaper, the National American, the party was small and never amounted to anything.

Of the hundreds of other small groups that flourished during this period, the following are also worth mentioning:

• The Christian Mobilizers, a New York group led by Joseph ‘Nazi Joe’ McWilliams. Its uniformed branch was called the Christian Guard. Later, the group was renamed the American Destiny Party.

• The National Workers League, led by Russel Roberts, later a supporter and advisor of George Lincoln Rockwell. Based in Detroit.

• The Citizens Protective League, led by Kurt Mertig, later mentor to James Madole of the National Renaissance Party.

• American Nationalist Party (founded as the American Progressive Workers Party). Emory Burke, who would go on to be the founder of the post-War movement, was a member of this group.

Americans who were National Socialist or pro-NS also supported organizations such as Charles Lindbergh’s America First Committee, William Dudley Pelley’s Silver Shirt Legion, Father Charles Coughlin’s National Union for Social Justice, and the Christian Front.

To broaden its appeal, the Bund also held a unity rally with the Ku Klux Klan at August Klapprott’s Camp Nordland in 1940.

Categories
Adolf Hitler Genuine spirituality Savitri Devi Souvenirs et réflexions d'une aryenne (book) Third Reich

Reflections of an Aryan woman, 62

But it is above all the constructive aspect of Hitlerism which makes it the elite’s fighting philosophy against levelling—against ‘mass reduction’ (Vermassung)—and the instrument of an in extremis recovery of Aryan humanity and, through it, of all earthly life, against the current of Time.

I have said it over and over again in these talks: there was nothing ‘new’ about the Führer’s ‘New Order’, the one he wanted and which, unfortunately, the pressure of the Dark Forces of the whole world had to crush before his installation. It was the oldest possible order: the ‘original’ order of things, firmly based on the eternal truths which dominate and condition that particular manifestation of Being which is life.

But its resurgence in our late stage of the age of untruths par excellence (and even later) could and never can happen except through combat. This is why the idea of relentless combat, of ‘perpetual revolution’, [1] is inseparable from Hitlerism. It underlies both the most positive creations in all fields and the most implacable defensive measures against the corruption of the race or the regime’s saboteurs.

Hitler’s intolerance is, even in its aggressiveness, only a defensive intolerance—a reaction, as I have tried to show, against the millennial intolerance of Judaism and its ‘jealous God’, and against that of the no less ‘jealous’ entities (‘universalism’, ‘democracy’, etc.) in which an increasingly Judaized world believes. Hitlerism itself is, even in its conquering momentum, nothing but a movement for the defence, protection and resurrection of the fundamental values of Life, denied in the West for centuries. It is the defence of the ideal Order, more or less apparent in the most venerable ancient societies, against all miscegenation, all levelling, all backward selections, all unnatural reversals; against the disintegrating pressure of what is commonly called ‘progress’ and which is, at the bottom, nothing but the ever more insistent affirmation of anthropocentrism. It is, I repeat, unthinkable outside the Dark Ages.
 

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Editor’s note: I would go a little further. Savitri speaks above about ‘the pressure of the Dark Forces’. It is the Christian idea of the human soul that is screwing the Aryan race. As Jack Frost tried unsuccessfully to communicate to Christian commenters in a thread from a Kevin MacDonald article of September 19, 2015:

Christians believe that the soul is eternal and always exists… Now, the soul is raceless and according to them the only important thing about a man; the body is dross, merely a shell. Why should someone who believes he is raceless and never going to die, and who is focused intently on things not of this world but an anticipated next, worry himself about trivial matters such as the survival of Western civilization or of this or that biological race? Clearly, to do so would be a heresy.

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When I speak of its ‘constructive aspect’ I don’t especially have in mind the spectacular material, social or even cultural achievements of the German Third Reich: not the restoration of the national economy (almost overnight), not the various initiatives or institutions that might be called ‘philanthropic’, the aid to mothers and children, the distributions of coal to the elderly during the winter, the cruises to the Balearic Islands or the Canary Islands organised for factory workers on paid leave, or the royal four-lane autobahns which ran as far as the eye could see into the splendour of the restored forests. All this was just one of a series of obvious signs of the victorious revolution, a series that was only just beginning.

Other signs, less obvious, more subtle than the first, were already appearing in all areas of life. Newborn babies were increasingly given beautiful Germanic names, evocative of a legendary past. Furniture, at least in some privileged homes, such as those of SS members, was decorated with symbolic motifs whose occult influence was felt even by those who couldn’t explain it. But however important they may have been, they were, again, only signs. This was not the revolution.

The real, positive, creative revolution—unique among the political upheavals of all centuries since antiquity—was the return to the sources, under the command of a qualified Chief and Master: both initiate and strategist, and supreme holder of political authority; prophet of the ‘new’ (or rather eternal) Doctrine and founder of the corresponding visible order; invested, as I said above, with the ‘power of the Two Keys’, elected by those Forces of Life which militate with more and more impersonal fervour, against the fatal tendencies of the Cycle near its end. The real revolution was the effort to restore a traditional society, hierarchically ordered according to the intangible values of all time; resting firmly on the earth while it carried its elite of race, character and knowledge beyond the human, as the plant with long serpentine stems holds its mystic lotuses, hatched in the light, on the surface of the pond, far above the nourishing mud.

The European, if not pan-Aryan society that the Führer wanted was to be no other than this. Politically centred around the Great Reich, that is to say, Germany, supplemented by the conquered areas in the West and especially in the East, would have been dominated by the Germanic elite of the SS, to which would have been increasingly incorporated Aryans of non-German origin, judged worthy of forming, together with their blood brothers, the warrior aristocracy of the new world. And at least part of this young aristocracy would have been—was, in fact, already—a spiritual elite, an initiatory group, linked, through the intermediary of a very ancient tradition, of Germanic expression, to the primordial Tradition.

Governed from 1933 onwards by the Incarnation of the divine Liberator, who returns unceasingly and, in the following years, by that of his paladins whom he would have designated, the Reich was to become once again what had been, centuries before Christianity and before Rome, the soil of the old Germanic tribes: a ‘Holy Land’ in the esoteric sense of the word; the cradle of a civilisation nourished by the radiance of a powerful centre of initiatory achievement.

And it is well known that this new Aryan civilisation, with its Germanic elite, was inspired this time by the same principles as the old society of Vedic and post-Vedic India, at a time when the caste system, also based on ‘race and personality’, still corresponded effectively to the natural hierarchy of men. In both cases, at the root of the whole social structure—and, with some exceptions, at the basis of the relations between conquerors and conquered—is the same notion of irreducible congenital inequality between human races, or even between the more or less clear subdivisions of the same fundamental race: an inequality which no religious or philosophical anthropocentrism can attenuate, and which it is the duty of the wise legislator to reinforce, if possible, but never to fight.

The abyss which, in the mind of the Führer, separates the Aryan worthy of the name from the ‘sub-humans’, is reminiscent in more than one respect of the abyss which, in the Sanskrit Scriptures, separates and opposes the Arya, ‘twice born’, from the Dasyu. According to Rauschning, the Führer goes so far as to speak of a ‘new variety of man’, the result of a real ‘mutation’, in the scientific and natural sense of the word[2] which would ‘far surpass present-day man’ and would move further and further away from ‘the man of the herd’, who has already entered, according to him, ‘the stage of decay and survival’.[3]

It seems that he saw this ‘mutation’—which, like the initiation of the ‘twice-born’ of ancient India, or that of the freemen of pagan Greece into the ‘mysteries’, concerned only the race of the masters—as the culmination of a hard series of tests. He felt that it was too late to impose such asceticism on the mature generation. It was the youth, the ‘splendid youth’ that Adolf Hitler loved so much, the youth whose destiny he was still to try to guide ‘in the centuries to come’ by writing his Political Testament under the thunder of the Russian guns, who had to undergo it, and emerge transformed, hardened, embellished, elevated to a higher level of being: a level that an elite within the elite had yet to exceed.

It was in the ‘fortresses’ (Burgs) of the warlike and mystical Order of the SS—those veritable nurseries of Western Kshatriyas—that the masters-at-arms and spiritual masters of the new aristocracy were to educate the young candidates for superhumanity. ‘My pedagogy is hard’, declared the inspired Lawgiver of the new Aryan world. ‘I work with a hammer and loosen everything that is dumb or worm-eaten. In my Burgs of Order we shall grow a youth before whom the world will tremble; a violent, imperious, fearless youth’… a youth who ‘will know how to bear pain. I want nothing weak or tender in them. I want it to have the strength and beauty of the young beasts… the innocence and nobility of Nature’.[4] And further on, still in the same conversation with Rauschning: ‘The only science I shall require of these young people is self-control. They will learn to tame fear. This is the first stage of my Order: the stage of heroic youth. From this will come the second degree: that of the ‘free man’, of the man ‘at the centre of the world’, of the ‘god-man’.[5]

What was this ‘God-man’, this ‘man at the centre of the world’?, the nature of which seems to have completely escaped Rauschning, as no doubt many of the Führer’s other interlocutors. What was it—what could it be—if not what the sages, in the traditional sense of the word, call ‘primordial man’ or ‘Edenic man’: he who has succeeded, precisely through his ‘self-mastery’, in identifying himself with the centre of his being (which is, like that of every being, human or not, the very centre of the manifested world) and who has thereby rediscovered his original innocence, because ‘while acting, he is no longer acts’?[6]

But there was a ‘future stage of manly maturity’, other, higher degrees of initiation of which Adolf Hitler was ‘not allowed to speak’. There were revelations, which were to come ‘later’, ‘long, perhaps, after his death’. He knew that this death—as well as the death, at least apparently, of the whole universe of truth which he was recreating by iron and fire—would be indispensable to the ultimate accomplishment of his mission.

He had had, at the age of sixteen, the extraordinary intuition, I should say: the vision. He seems never to have expressed to anyone the depth of his thinking, nor the magnitude (and horror) of what, from the angle of the ‘eternal Present’, his inner eye could discover of the immediate future of Germany and the world; nor the profound—more than human—reasons which made his fight necessary despite the old certainty and the increasingly obvious prospect of inevitable collapse.

He never expressed any of this because metaphysical knowledge, which alone justified everything he could have said, is, like all such knowledge, incommunicable. Among his most devoted collaborators only those who, like Rudolf Hess, were not aspects of the One Who Comes from the Past, but were nevertheless initiates, could follow him without a leap of faith. These needed no verbal or written transmission to grasp all that in the Führer’s secret thought, though impenetrable to discursive intelligence, was not beyond their level.

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[1] Rauschning: Hitler m’a dit, op. cit., page 59.

[2] Ibid., page 272.

[3] Ibid., pages 272-273.

[4] Ibid., page 278.

[5] Ibid., page 279.

[6] The Bhagawad-Gîta, IV, Verse 20.