web analytics
Categories
James Mason Martin Kerr Matt Koehl Racial right Real men Swastika William Pierce

History of American NS, 8

The National Alliance and smaller
organizations (1970-1985)

By any imaginable standards, the National Socialist White People’s Party was the predominant NS organization in the United States throughout the 1970s and into the early 1980s. But it was not the only NS group. Except for the National Renaissance Party and NSDAP-AO, all of these other formations began as spin-offs or splinters of the NSWPP. For the most part, these other groups did not amount to much. Sometimes, the number of letters in their grandiose names exceeded the number of people they had on their mailing list. Nevertheless, they need to be included in any complete history of the NS movement in America – and three of these formations (the NA, the NSDAP-AO and the NSM) went on to play a significant role in the Movement after the end of the NSWPP.

In his 1968 essay, ‘Some Guidelines for the Development of the National Socialist Movement’ Matt Koehl noted: ‘Every dynamic force in history produces centrifugal tendencies. This has been true of the Christian church and the Marxist sects, as well as the National Socialist movement’. Professional Jewish ‘hate watcher’ Leonard Zeskind, comparing White Nationalism in America to an army, said that the movement consists solely of ‘generals and privates’ because as soon as a general promotes one of his privates to captain, the newly-minted captain declares himself to be a general and starts his army. There is certainly truth in the observations of both Koehl and Zeskind. Personality clashes differences, especially among the leaders, were the main reason that there were so many organizations all professing the same basic beliefs.

Here, listed alphabetically, is a roster of some of the NS-oriented formations active in the US during the 1970s.

  1. American Mobilizers (New York City)
  2. American Nazi Party (two different groups, one based in Hollywood, California, and the other in Phoenix, Arizona)
  3. American White Nationalist Party (Ohio)
  4. National Renaissance Party (greater NYC area)
  5. National Socialist League (San Francisco/Los Angeles)
  6. National Socialist Liberation Front (Los Angeles)
  7. National Socialist Movement (Ohio)
  8. National Socialist Party of America (Chicago)
  9. National Socialist Party of North Carolina
  10. National Socialist White Workers Party (San Francisco)
  11. National White People’s Party (North Carolina)
  12. National Youth Alliance (later the National Alliance)
  13. NSDAP-AO (Lincoln, Nebraska)
  14. United White Peoples Party (Cleveland)
  15. White Power Movement (West Virginia)
  16. White Youth Alliance (later the National Party, New Orleans)

This list is not inclusive, and other small groups came and went without leaving a mark on the political landscape.

These various organizations all shared a common ideology in a broad sense. Sometimes there were minor theoretical differences. The NWPP quibbled with the NSWPP over the inclusion of the word ‘socialist’; the NSL was a homosexual group, whereas all of the others were stridently anti-homosexual; the UWPP was openly Christian, while the NA and the NRP argued against Christianity.

But overall, all of the groups listed agreed on a certain body of core beliefs, namely:

  • that the White race was superior to all other races and needed to be defended
  • that the Jews were the enemy of all mankind and needed to be opposed
  • that race-mixing was wrong
  • that Blacks and other non-Whites (but especially Blacks) needed to be expelled from the US
  • that communism was a creation of the Jews and was evil, and
  • that the United States had fought on the wrong side during World War II, and it would have been better if Hitler had won the war.

It would be tedious and pointless to examine each of the organizations listed in detail, as most of them were insignificant, even by the modest standards of American National Socialism. But some among them do deserve discussion.

 
William Pierce and the National Youth Alliance

In 1968, Alabama Governor George Wallace mounted a presidential campaign as an independent candidate, opposing both the Republicans and the Democrats. Wallace presented himself as a disguised racialist, who would recapture the federal government from the traitors and ‘pointy-headed bureaucrats’ and reinstitute a White Constitutional republic.

It was all a lie: Wallace was just a two-bit political huckster bent on riding a massive wave of White discontent over the direction the country was heading. Nevertheless, his campaign released and focused on White resentment and anger as never before in the post-World War II era. In the November election, he won nearly 10 million popular votes and carried five southern states, totalling 46 electoral votes. Although Wallace himself was not a committed White racialist, probably 99 per cent of those who voted for him were Whites who had a positive sense of racial consciousness.

There were three different ways that American National Socialists reacted to the Wallace movement: Some, such as the NSWPP, denounced Wallace as the fraud that he was. Others ignored him as irrelevant to their efforts. But one man, at least, was shrewd enough to realize that the Wallace movement presented a unique opening for hardline racialists. That man was Willis Carto, whom we discussed in the sixth instalment of this series. Carto was a shrewd judge of human character, and he knew that Wallace was a false White Messiah. But he saw a wonderful opportunity to harness the tremendous racial energy that Wallace had unleashed.

Carto formed a student organization, ‘Youth for Wallace’ as an independent adjunct to the official Wallace movement. The goal was to amass a huge mailing list of young racially conscious White people who were attracted to the Wallace campaign and to use that mailing list for a post-electoral effort. And this he did.

Following the election, he transformed the YFW into a new organization, the National Youth Alliance. He recruited Dr Revilo Oliver to help him in the new enterprise. Carto had had a personal connection with the deceased neo-fascist ideologist Francis Parker Yockey and was the publisher of a popular edition of Yockey’s 1948 masterwork Imperium: The Philosophy of Politics and History. Because of this connection, Carto used Yockey’s thought as the ideological basis of the NYA. Yockey was not a racialist as we consider the term today: rather than racialism rooted in biological reality, he championed a wispy, insubstantial ‘spiritual’ racial ideology. Oliver was not especially enthusiastic about Yockeyism, but went along with it, later explaining that Yockey’s thought was ‘the best option open to us at the time’.

Carto’s NYA never went very far. He appointed Louis Byers as his frontman. Byers published one issue of a newspaper called Attack!, held a few meetings and distributed copies of Imperium. Within a year, the NYA was moribund.

As previously discussed, Dr William L. Pierce had split from the NSWPP in mid-1970, at the same time the nascent NYA was foundering. After the split, Pierce found himself at looses ends politically. He issued two multi-page public letters to the mailing list that he had accumulated. In the first letter, he gave his reasons for leaving the NSWPP. In the second, entitled Prospectus for a National Front he put forth his vision for a new American NS movement. He signed both letters ‘Heil Hitler!’ (see here).

In essence, what Pierce proposed was an organization that would retain basic National Socialist ideology but would be stripped of the external NS trappings that had characterized the movement since Rockwell formed the American Nazi Party in 1959: there would be no Swastikas, no uniforms, no glorification of Adolf Hitler and no fixation with National Socialist Germany. Serious political activism would replace the publicity stunts that Rockwell had used to propel himself into the headlines.
 

______ 卐 ______

 
Editor’s Note: See why a few days ago I wanted to read a history of American racialism? I was unaware of this precisely because I was reluctant to read the history of the Jew Leonard Zeskind, mentioned by Kerr above.

If I had known this little piece of info, I wouldn’t have romanticised Pierce as much as I did since 2010 until this year. It is clear that, on this point, Savitri Devi had a much deeper grasp than Pierce about how the collective unconscious works.

For example, keeping in mind what I said in my last post, had I known in my teens that there were two racist groups in the neighbouring country to the north, without any doubt I would have immediately chosen the one that was overtly NS: Matt Koehl’s (pic below)!

Now I see that it was Pierce who opened the first door to what since the mid-1990s John Gardner would start to call ‘white nationalism’: patriotard, tepid racialism that (unlike NS) is never going to amount to anything because it is incapable of, to use a Jungian term, making contact with the Self: the divine part at the core of the Aryan. This is so even taking into account that Pierce wasn’t lukewarm.

It doesn’t matter that Pierce tried to create a new religion (pace what Kerr says about ‘cosmotheism’ below). Without the central symbol of Hitler, deified as Savitri did it in her writings, it is impossible to replace the old religion (the Judeo-Christian poison) with the new one. It is impossible to transvalue values for the simple reason that what the Aryan needs are human models like Leonidas, Hermann and Hitler—instead of a mythical Jew from 1st century Palestine. A lot must be written about this in the future. For the moment, just remember Mauricio’s words quoted below the Roman sculpture, almost at the top of the sidebar. Kerr continues:
 

______ 卐 ______

 
Pierce’s letters met with a lukewarm response. Although people respected his intellect and his dedication, he had not yet proven himself as a leader. Few were ready to throw in with him in starting a new organization from scratch, especially since the NSWPP was flourishing.

At some point, Pierce sat down with the NYA’s Byers. He had given it his best shot, Byers said but had been unable to get the NYA off the ground, even after investing a substantial sum of Carto’s money and most of his savings into the venture. He offered the group to Pierce, if he wanted it, contingent on Carto’s approval. Pierce said that he was interested. Carto went along with the proposal, with the assumption that Pierce would just be another frontman as Byers had been, and that he, Carto, would call the shots from behind the scenes.

There was not a whole lot to turn over to Pierce. He received a mailing list of 15,000 names, most of which dated back to the Youth for Wallace group and were over two years old. But he also received Carto’s backing. Pierce produced the second issue of Attack! along the lines, he had discussed in his Prospectus. He jettisoned the Yockey angle and resurrected NYA as a group based on biological racialism. The tabloid was an immediate success. For a cost of $2,000, he received $6,000 back in the mail, and he could now separate the wheat from the chaff in the old NYA mailing list.

It was soon clear that Pierce had no intention of being a frontman for Carto. He was his own man and would run the NYA as he saw fit. Carto was outraged. There was a brief power struggle from which Pierce emerged victorious. By early 1971, Pierce had his group. Had he not taken over the NYA, Pierce would have doubtlessly gone on to form a new group of his own. However, with the resources of the NYA at his disposal, meagre though they may have been, he was able to move forward more rapidly than he would have otherwise.

The first NYA facility was in Washington DC, Georgetown neighbourhood. Today Georgetown is toney and upscale, but back in the early 1970s it was decidedly low-rent. A two-story brick building was provided to Pierce by Carto. On the ground floor was the Western Destiny Bookstore. The phrase Western Destiny was a nod to Yockey, whose acolytes called themselves ‘Destiny Thinkers’. Part of the stock came from the NSWPP’s George Lincoln Rockwell Bookstore, which had been run by Robert Lloyd. Lloyd had sided with Pierce in his split with Matt Koehl, and the contents of the bookstore came with him. The rest of the stock came from Carto’s own Noontide Press operation. Above the bookstore was Pierce’s office, where he produced Attack! and carried out routine administrative tasks for the Alliance. The bookstore was manned by Pierce’s first two followers, who had come over to him from the NSWPP.
 

______ 卐 ______

 
Editor’s note: So at least at the beginning, there had long been some founding stones for a future publishing house, which is what I was concerned about in my earlier comments on this series. Kerr continues:

______ 卐 ______

 
However, after he broke with Carto, Pierce lost use of the facility. He eventually relocated the NYA office to Crystal City, across the Potomac River in South Arlington. He would have different offices in Crystal City over the years, until he finally moved the operation (then greatly expanded) to Hillsboro, West Virginia, in August 1985.

The NYA presented itself to the public as an activist group, but the reality was that it had few activists. In the four years of its operations, two small, low-key picket-line demonstrations were its only organized public activities. In 1973, Pierce testified against Secretary of State nominee Henry Kissinger before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. He stated that Kissinger, as a Jew would favour the interests of Israel over America. But for the most part, the NYA and Pierce kept a low profile.

Most of its energy and resources went into producing and distributing Attack! which quickly became a ‘must-read’ publication in pro-White circles. Although it had some agitational content, its strong point was thoughtful, in-depth essays by Pierce on a wide range of racial and societal topics. At first, Pierce had to write most of each issue himself. In time, however, he was able to attract other writers who were impressed with his intelligence, realism and seriousness. One of these young recruits was Mark Weber, who went on to become a leading revisionist historian and head of the Institute for Historical Review.

Another feature of Attack! was The Turner Diaries. This was a serialized novel, an episode of which appeared in each issue. Pierce used the format of an adventure story set shortly to present his ideas concerning race and revolution. In 1978, the episodes of this series were collected and published as a novel. The novel proved to be immensely popular and successful: hundreds of thousands of copies have been printed in several different editions, and for a while, it could even be found in mainstream bookstores across the US. This gave Pierce’s core message an audience far beyond the relatively small readership of Attack!

As the 1970s wore on, the premises on which the NYA were founded eroded. The upheaval and turmoil of the Vietnam War era subsided, and the dynamic radicalism of the 1960s gave way to a prosperous society based on conspicuous consumption. As noted, the NYA had been founded as a student organization with membership limited to those under 30 years of age. Pierce recognized that he needed to make some adjustments to fit the changing situation.

 
The National Alliance

In February 1974, the NYA was reorganized as the National Alliance. In May of that year, Pierce adopted the Life Rune as its symbol. In 1977, the Attack! newspaper was replaced by the National Vanguard tabloid. In May 1982, Pierce retired the tabloid format, which was designed for mass distribution, and relaunched National Vanguard as a magazine printed on glossy stock and aimed at a more select audience. With occasional interruptions, the print version of National Vanguard continued until 2009, at which time it was temporarily suspended. It exists today in an online format (here).

Although later it attracted enough followers to stage impressive public demonstrations, the NA, like the NYA before it, kept a low profile in its first years. In terms of recruitment, it focused on quality, rather than quantity. Unlike the NSWPP, which had a political focus, or the NSWPP’s successor organization, the New Order which defined itself in spiritual terms, the National Alliance was an educational organization. The content of National Vanguard reflected this. A sales division, National Vanguard Books was created; the NA’s extensive booklist was the envy of every pro-White group and even attracted attention from like-minded formations abroad. The simple list was replaced in 1984 by a magazine-format illustrated catalogue. In 1983, Pierce recruited Kevin Alfred Strom. Strom’s first major project was compiling and producing a huge, portfolio-sized volume called The Best of Attack and National Vanguard Tabloid.

Internally, Pierce continued to develop his movement’s ideology. In serialized fashion, like The Turner Diaries, he wrote a comprehensive history of the White race stretching from remote prehistory through the second half of the 20th century. It was called Who We Are.

Although he was a practical man, who kept his attention focused on the important tasks immediately before him in building the NA, he also had a reflective side to his personality. His reflections on Man and Race, and their place in the Universe (or Cosmos), resulted in Pierce founding Cosmotheism. This was the philosophical or spiritual dimension of the National Alliance worldview. Or perhaps it is better to say that it is Cosmotheism that is all-encompassing, and the NA is its political manifestation at this point in history. Although his focus on the NA and the challenges before it kept him from developing this new belief in-depth, he spent enough effort on it to author three short essays which serve as its basic texts: The Path (1977), On Living Things (1979) and On Society (1984).

As I have written before, if our Race survives the existential crises which now beset it, William Pierce will not be remembered by future generations as the author of The Turner Diaries, or even as the founder of the National Alliance, but rather as the man who first codified the Will of Nature as Cosmotheism.

In August 1985 – at roughly the same time that Matt Koehl moved the headquarters of the New Order to Milwaukee – Pierce relocated the national office of the NA to Hillsboro, West Virginia. Further discussion of the evolution of these two organizations in the late 1900s and early 2000s lies beyond the scope of this article.

 
National Socialist Party of America

Another split occurred in the NSWPP at roughly the same time that Pierce broke away. This led to the creation of the National Socialist Party of America, which lasted until 1980.

Frank Collin was the leader of the Chicago Unit of the NSWPP. He was half-Jewish: his father was Max Simon Collin (born Cohn), a German Jew who had been interned in the Dachau detention facility in the 1930s, before emigrating to the United States. Frank Collin’s mother was of Irish-Catholic descent. Collin concealed his Jewish heritage when he joined the NSWPP. In 1970, the NSWPP headquarters in Arlington received a tip concerning Collin’s father. National Organizer Robert Lloyd investigated the allegation by examining the pertinent immigration and birth records, which were available to the public. He determined that Collin was indeed half-Jewish.

Collin was asked by the NSWPP to step down as the Chicago leader, but he refused. This caused a split in the local group, with hardline party loyalists remaining with the NSWPP, and Collin and his followers breaking away to form the NSPA. Collin dishonestly told his members that he did not have any Jewish descent. Despite the hard evidence against him, his followers chose to believe him.

The NSPA was based in the Marquette Park neighbourhood on Chicago’s west side, where George Lincoln Rockwell had successfully organized White resistance to racial integration in 1966. The party headquarters was called Rockwell Hall, and the group enjoyed a high level of support among the area’s besieged White population. The NSPA occasionally ran candidates for public officer. In 1975, Collin standing for alderman received sixteen per cent of the vote. Although it was a tiny group with only a handful of members, it received massive nationwide publicity on two occasions.

The first of these was the ‘Skokie controversy’. The NSPA was told that it would be unable to use Marquette Park for its White Power rallies unless it posted a huge deposit with the city. The small group, with no base of financial support to speak of, was unable to raise the amount. Instead, it announced that it would march in Skokie, Illinois, a community with a large Jewish population, many of whom were reputed to be ‘Holocaust survivors’. When the city of Skokie prohibited the march, Collin took it to court for violating his First Amendment rights. The case wound through the court system, eventually finding its way to the Supreme Court. In the end, Collin was allowed to march in Skokie but declined to do so. The rally deposit for public parks required by Chicago was also struck down.

The NSPA also garnered major worldwide publicity for its participation in the Greensboro, North Carolina, shootout between Klansmen and National Socialists on one side, and members of a Marxist sect calling itself the Communist Workers Party on the other. The North Carolina chapter of the NSPA had originally been yet another NSWPP splinter group called the National Socialist Party of North Carolina. It was led by Harold Covington, a former NSWPP activist and staff member. In 1976 he merged his mini-party with the NSPA and was appointed ‘Deputy Party Leader’ by Collin.

The CWP had been agitating local Negroes against the Klan in the futile belief that this would make the Negroes support communism. A series of skirmishes between the Klan and their NSPA allies and the CWP culminated in a ‘Death to the Klan’ rally organized by the Reds in a Black neighbourhood of Greensboro. The CWP taunted the Klan, calling them cowards and it dared them to attend the rally to counter-protest.

The rally was held as scheduled on November 3, 1979. The Reds were startled when a caravan of cars containing twelve Klansmen and four NSPA members drove to the rally site. (Covington refused to go along, claiming that his life was ‘too important to risk’.) Recovering from their initial surprise, the Communists attacked the vehicles. The Klansmen and National Socialists left their cars and engaged in a brawl with the Marxists. At some point, the Reds pulled back and opened fire on the men from the convoy with handguns. One Klansman, Harold Flowers, was wounded by gunfire. The Klansmen and NS’ers then retrieved long guns from the trunks of their vehicles and returned fire, killing five of the Reds and wounding a dozen others.

Sixteen of the Klan/NS convoy were arrested for murder but were subsequently found not guilty. This was a good showing on the part of the NSPA, but it proved to be their last hurrah. In December 1979, Collin was expelled from his party after evidence was discovered by NSPA members proving that he was a paedophile who had molested young boys in the Rockwell Hall headquarters. This information was subsequently turned over to the police, who arrested Collin in January 1980. Upon conviction of the charges, he served three years in jail. He has since reinvented himself as ‘Francis Joseph’. a self-described neo-pagan and expert on Atlantis and similar subjects.

Covington briefly took over the NSPA. He ran what was left of the party from his Raleigh, North Carolina office rather than Rockwell Hall. Sometime in 1981 or 1982, he abandoned the party and moved to Ireland. Another NSPA officer, Michael Allen, took command before finally dissolving the group in the mid-1980s.

 
NSDAP/AO

The initials NSDAP/AO stand for Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei Aufbau- und Auslandsorganisation, which is German for National Socialist German Workers Party Development and Foreign Organization. Unlike the other groups listed here, the NSDAP/AO did not view the United States as its major field of operations; rather it was formed as a propaganda base for the German NS movement. Any open manifestation of National Socialism was strictly illegal in both West Germany and East Germany in the 1970s (as they remain so today in the reunited German state). The purpose of the NSDAP/AO was to produce hardline NS material in the US, which would then be smuggled into Germany.

The NSDAP/AO was formed in 1973 by Gerhard Lauck, an American of German descent. Lauck, who was only 19 years old at the time, was encouraged in his efforts by former members of the German-American Bund. In March of that year he published the first issue of NS Kampruf (‘NS Battle Cry’), a German-language National Socialist publication. The NSDAP/AO also published leaflets, stickers and posters. It began with modest press runs of a few thousand, but within two years it was printing hundreds of thousands of pieces of material at a time.

Sometimes this literature was mailed directly into Germany. However, because of interference by the German police, Lauck eventually developed a network that allowed him to send bulk shipments of material to countries bordering Germany where National Socialism was legal, such as Denmark. It was then smuggled across the border for distribution to underground NS cells.

In 1974, Lauck entered Germany for organizational purposes. He was ordered deported and eventually allowed himself to be arrested by the police.

Also in 1974, the NSDAP/AO began to involve itself in the American NS movement. Lauck initially tried to form a working relationship with Matt Koehl, who was the leader not only of the National Socialist White People’s Party but also of the World Union of National Socialists. WUNS had German and other European contacts. However, neither man fully trusted the other, and so Lauck cast about elsewhere for American allies. He eventually settled on an alliance with Frank Collin and his NSPA.

In April 1975, the NSDAP/AO issued its first English-language publication, the NS Report. Eventually, it was merged with Collin’s irregularly-published tabloid The New Order and adopted the other publication’s name. Lauck lent his political support to NSPA activities and attended some of them in person. In 1980, NSPA leader Collin was arrested for child molestation and was replaced by Harold Covington, who purchased the Rockwell Hall headquarter. Lauck soon broke with Covington and kept his distance from the American NS scene for the next two decades.

The NSDAP/AO continues its work to this day. In addition to English and German, it has expanded its operations to include material in over two-dozen languages. Its main website is: this.

 
National Socialist Movement and the National Socialist White Workers Party

The National Socialist Movement, which was alive and healthy in 2018, began in 1976 as a letterhead organization run by Robert Brannen and James Mason. The group conducted no activities, other than publishing a small photocopied newsletter. In April 1978, it merged with the National Socialist White Workers Party.

The NSWWP was an offshoot of the San Francisco Unit of the NSWPP. It was headed by Allen Vincent, an Old Fighter from the Rockwell years. The NSWPP in Northern California had been the subject of a documentary film that was nominated for an Academy Award in 1976, and which was later screened in Cannes. Vincent was the central figure in the film. After the film’s release, he broke with Matt Koehl and started his mini-party in the San Francisco bay area. It held occasional meetings and public activities and opened the Rudolf Hess Bookstore. The store was in a predominantly non-White area and was quickly stormed and destroyed by an angry mob. Vincent and his followers made a narrow escape out the back door.

At some point, both Brannen and Mason lost interest in the NSM/NSWWP. Brannen, the group’s chairman, turned it over to Clifford Herrington. Herrington had been in the NSWPP and a variety of splinter formations, and also ran his Satanic group called the ‘Joy of Satan’. In the 1990s, Herrington left the group and named Jeff Schoep as his successor. Surprisingly, Schoep proved an accomplished organizer and activist, and by 2000 he had made the NSM the largest and most-successful NS group in the US since the NSWPP was dissolved in 1983.

James Mason went on to form the Universal Order, another letterhead group, which combined traditional National Socialist doctrine with the teachings (such as they are) of the homicidal cult leader Charles Manson.

 
National Socialist Liberation Front

The NSLF was another NSWPP-breakaway, led by Joseph Tommasi. He had been the most impressive and successful of the NSWPP’s local leaders. He ran the Los Angeles Unit of the party out of a large Swastika-decorated farmhouse in the LA suburb of El Monte. Tommasi was a talented public speaker and organizer and had a charismatic personality. At a time when many NSWPP units struggled to raise a dozen men for local demonstrations, Tommasi could put 40 to 50 troopers in the street. By most political metrics, this is a pitifully small number, but by the low standards of post-War American National Socialism, it was noteworthy.

Unfortunately, Tommasi was impulsive, hot-headed and undisciplined. He viewed his NSWPP chapter as an independent NS franchise that he could run however he saw fit. Commander Matt Koehl, however, considered each local unit to be subordinate to the party’s national organization. Koehl repeatedly tried to bring Tommasi’s operation into line with the rest of the party, but the 22-year-old Tommasi was stubborn and refused to comply. In 1973, Koehl reluctantly removed Tommasi as the Los Angeles Unit leader. In March of 1974, Tommasi broke from the NSWPP to form the National Socialist Liberation Front.

The NSLF, supposedly, was committed to ‘building the National Socialist revolution through armed struggle’. Tommasi, however, was limited in how much-armed struggle he could undertake since the group was heavily infiltrated by the police from the moment of its inception. Instead, he allied with an anti-Castro Cuban group based in South El Monte. The Cubans would commit small acts of violence against local Marxist organizations, and by mutual arrangement the NSLF would publicly take the credit for them. Actual NSLF activities were largely limited to attacks on the NSWPP and its personnel, against which Tommasi continued to harbour a grudge.

On August 15, 1975, Tommasi was shot dead on the steps of his former NSWPP headquarters when a confrontation he initiated with two NSWPP security officers turned violent. One of the men later pled guilty to second-degree murder and was sentenced to six months in jail. Following Tommasi’s death, the NSLF was led by David Rust, but within a few years Rust found himself in prison on weapons charges. Periodic attempts were made to revive the group by James Mason, Karl Hand and others. None of these attempts was unsuccessful.

 
National Socialist League

The National Socialist League was an organization in Los Angeles and San Francisco for homosexuals. Homosexuals were not allowed in NS or related groups, which in fact, were vociferously anti-homosexual. Thus, the NSL was in a category of its own, seeking to combine National Socialism with ‘the struggle for sexual liberation’. The NSL was founded by Russell Raymond Veh, a former NSWPP activist who left the party after he belatedly discovered that it was hostile to his sexuality.

The NSL undertook no public activities. What its private activities were one can only imagine. It published a newsletter, initially called NS Kampfruf (no doubt plagiarized from Gerhard Lauck’s publication of the same name), but later changed to NS Mobilizer. The NSL lasted from the mid-1970s to the early 1980s.

We will not chronicle or document the other groups listed at the beginning of this article. With the notable exceptions of the NA, the NSDAP/AO and the NSM, these minor formations – some of them very minor indeed! – all tell the same story: A disgruntled NSWPP member declares himself to be the new Führer and proceeds to lead his corporal’s guard of followers into obscurity.

Taken together, these smaller groups cut a poor figure. Indeed, they hurt the overall prospects of American National Socialism by opening the movement up to ridicule, and by making it seem unappealing and unsavoury to disaffected Whites who might otherwise consider National Socialism in a positive light. Yet for good or for ill, they are part of the historical record.

Categories
George Lincoln Rockwell Martin Kerr Racial right Real men William Pierce

History of American NS, 6

The Rockwell years (1959-1967)

When discussing Movement history, the period 1959-1967 is commonly referred to as ‘The Rockwell Years’, and rightly so. George Lincoln Rockwell first raised the Swastika banner in Arlington, Virginia, on March 8, 1959, and he was assassinated there on August 25, 1967. There were indeed other NS and pro-NS organizations on the scene during these years. Some of these were older than Rockwell’s party, such as the National States Rights Party and the National Renaissance Party, which we have previously discussed. Others arose as splinters or rivals of Rockwell’s movement, such as the White Party of America and the American National Party. For their part, the NSRP and the White Party were larger than Rockwell’s American Nazi Party.

But it is Rockwell who dominated the scene in every sense: he led the way in public awareness of the Movement, and forged a new path in the theoretical development of National Socialism. Abroad, he provided the initiative for the formation of the World Union of National Socialists and at home, he set a precedent for mass NS action with the Chicago White people’s rebellion of 1966. While his competitors in the pro-White movement laboured in obscurity, Rockwell was a household name. And everywhere his dynamic personality was felt: he was the standard against which other leaders and organizations were judged.

 
Getting started

In terms of resources and manpower, Rockwell started from zero; he was alone, without even the comfort of his wife and children. The lease would soon expire in the house in which he lived, and the small offset printing press in the basement would also be taken away from him at that time. The political contacts he had in the pro-White movement were scattered across the country, and for the most part, they were already committed to various mini-parties and were not looking for something new. Financially, he was broke. But what he lacked externally he more than made up for with his internal resources: in courage, intellect, imagination and drive.

He hung the huge Swastika banner on his living room wall. The house / headquarters was located on a busy street, and the flag was visible through a picture window to passing motorists and pedestrians. He opened his doors to the curious, and he spent every evening in discussion and debate with those who showed up. Word of the anti-Jewish naval commander with the Swastika flag on his wall spread quickly, and within a few weeks, Rockwell had his first followers. Newspaper publicity followed, and the Rockwell movement was born.

The name he chose for the new party was long and cumbersome. He called it, the ‘American Party of the World Union of Free Enterprise National Socialists’. The ‘American Party’ was the name of a nativist political party of the 19th century, which espoused a sort of proto-racial nationalist ideology. The term ‘Free Enterprise’ was a reflection of Rockwell’s initial unease with the socialist component in National Socialism. Those whom he first recruited almost uniformly came from what the media called the ‘far-right’ in which ‘socialism’ is a dirty word. Rockwell designed a basic khaki uniform for his members, similar to the US class A naval uniform. A Swastika armband was worn on the left arm. A Rockwell innovation was to place a small blue circle in the centre of the Swastika. This symbolized the globe, and thereby the international character of Rockwell’s racialism. Almost immediately, the initial name of the party was shortened to simply the ‘American Nazi Party’. This is the designation by which it would be known throughout Rockwell’s lifetime, and by which American National Socialism is still known today in the popular mind.

 
Rockwell’s strategic plan

Rockwell had spent his entire adult life in the US navy. He had served in World War II and the Korean War. For a time, he was on the staff of the US Naval Mission to Brazil. Consequently, he knew something about military operations and strategic planning. Unlike many movement leaders, who charge off blindly into the political arena with little or no idea of what they are doing, Rockwell had a plan.

He called it the ‘Four Phase Plan’, and it was designed to take Rockwell and the ANP from complete obscurity and impotence on the utmost fringes of the American political spectrum, to the White House. Here are the four phases:

PHASE ONE: Through agitation of all sorts, make the ANP a household name known to every White American. Rockwell was aware that racial nationalist formations were routinely ignored by the mass media. Consequently, they and their programs were completely unknown to the general population. But, he correctly surmised, by proclaiming himself to be an open ‘Nazi’ complete with Swastikas, praise for Adolf Hitler and a program that included gas chambers for ‘Jew traitors’, he could craft a public image so outrageous that the media could not ignore him. He would force the Jewish-controlled media to give him the publicity he desired, despite themselves. The downsides of this approach were two-fold: (1) The image that he projected to the public was not one of serious National Socialism, but rather an exaggerated caricature or cartoon version of the real thing; and (2) The publicity that the Party received was always hostile, to the point that it distorted Rockwell’s message even further.

PHASE TWO: Education. Once he had attracted the attention of the general public, he would correct the false image of National Socialism that had been projected to them and instead educate them as to the true nature and belief system of the NS worldview.

PHASE THREE: Organization. Once he had an educated cadre of trained party leaders and a base of support among the population, he would organize the White masses into what he termed a ‘powerful political machine’.

PHASE FOUR: The ultimate phase of Rockwell’s plan was to use the White, NS political machine that he had built to take national power.

He always spoke of taking power legally, through elections. However, as a political realist, he privately conceded that he would use whatever means necessary to secure the existence of the White race: no options were off the table.

Anyone wishing to examine Rockwell’s Four-Phase Plan in further detail should consult the last chapter of his political autobiography, This Time the World (1962), in which he explicates it in depth (pages 416-422 in the standard edition).

Rockwell discussed the plan frequently and publicly. This was a calculated risk on his part: normally, one does not divulge one’s plans to the enemy but instead keeps them secret. By making his plan public, he sought to reassure the authorities (especially the FBI) that he was not seeking to subvert and overthrow the government by force, which is illegal, but instead was seeking to make changes in a legal and peaceful manner. At the same time, he was trying to explain the disreputable and outrageous nature of his propaganda to serious-minded potential recruits who might otherwise be put off by the vulgar language, provocative street theatre and talk of gas chambers.

 
Phase One operations

In the last nine months of his life, Rockwell began to transition the party from Phase One to Phase Two. But for the preceding eight years he had been pushing Phase One as hard as he could, and so it is Phase One activities and propaganda for which he is best remembered.

This included street theatre, in which a handful of uniformed stormtroopers (usually between a half-dozen and a dozen) would march or picket. In addition to displaying the Swastika, they would carry deliberately provocative signs, such as ‘Who Needs Niggers?’, ‘Gas Jew-Communist Traitors’ and ‘Back to Africa’. The sole goal was to draw publicity to the party. Sometimes there would be a fight and arrests. So much the better, Rockwell reasoned, for that would guarantee the notoriety he sought. When he was allowed to present his ideas to a mass audience, as in his famous 1966 interview in Playboy magazine, he would consciously make himself out to be thuggish and buffoonish: he knew if he came across as too sharp and too persuasive, such interviews would never see the light of day.

ANP printed material was likewise designed to be outrageous. Towards the end of Phase One, he wrote: ‘When I began, I purposely made my propaganda as brutal and shockingly rough as I could, simply to force attention. And I have kept everlastingly at the business of building a simple and direct image of all-out hostility to “Jews and niggers” in the minds of millions of Americans, regardless of the costs in other respects’.

The important thing to remember about this approach is that it was a deliberate tactic, crafted to force a hostile news media to give him publicity–any publicity–which he described as ‘the lifeblood of any political movement’. He knew that what he was doing was not a reflection of serious National Socialism; it was a temporary expedient that he intended to abandon as soon as it had achieved its goal of making George Lincoln Rockwell and the ANP household names.

 
Proof of concept: the advent of William Pierce

Throughout his career, Rockwell spoke to many dozens of audiences at colleges and universities. This was an activity that fell into the Phase Two category–education–rather than Phase One. On these occasions, Rockwell could speak directly to the people he wanted to reach; he was not dependent on the media or any other third party. Consequently, he could explain National Socialism to his audience straightforwardly and seriously, without the outrageous slogans and provocative regalia that accompanied ANP street demonstrations. Another benefit of a speaking engagement is that the institution would pay Rockwell an honorarium of a few hundred dollars. The ANP operated on a month-to-month, shoe-string budget, with the staff at the Arlington headquarters were sometimes reduced to a near-starvation diet. The income from the colleges helped keep the party afloat financially.

One such speaking engagement took place at San Diego State College in California, on March 8, 1962. Rockwell, dressed in a suit and tie, spoke respectfully to an audience of some 3,000 students, explaining to them the ANP and its platform. Partway through his presentation, a Jewish student bolted from his seat and jumped up on the stage, attempting to wrest the microphone from Rockwell. Rockwell pushed him away, and as he squared off to fight with the attacker, the Jew punched him twice in the face, breaking his sunglasses. Before Rockwell could respond, two of his security men tackled the Jew from behind and threw him to the ground, pummeling him into submission. Other troublemakers in the audience then jumped up and began shouting, and the rest of Rockwell’s talk was cancelled.

On the surface, it appeared as though his enemies had won that round: they kept Rockwell from speaking. But the Jews had unwittingly played right into his hands. The fracas generated nationwide media coverage for Rockwell. One of those who saw the news reports was Dr William L. Pierce, a 29-year-old physics professor at Oregon State University. The report he saw on the evening news of the debacle in San Diego did not tell him much of what Rockwell had to say, but it gave him enough details that Pierce was intrigued. He dug out the ANP mailing address from a book at the school library and wrote Rockwell a letter.

The two men began corresponding, and in 1964 Pierce left his teaching position and moved across the country to help Rockwell out. This was proof of concept for at least part of Rockwell’s plan: the publicity that he received attracted the attention of a like-minded person of quality who recognized that Rockwell had a serious message to convey, even if his public image was disreputable and semi-comedic.

Pierce was a brilliant man with great moral courage, and in the years and decades to come, he would play a major role in the development of the Movement in the US. His service with Rockwell as a young man was a sort of basic training for him. Pierce never formally joined the ANP, although Rockwell asked him to sign up on several occasions and offered him an officer’s commission in the organization. One problem was that Rockwell insisted that if he were to join, that he would have to participate in at least one or two stormtrooper demonstrations each year. ‘Otherwise’, Rockwell explained, ‘the men will not respect you’. But demonstrations and the whole ‘Nazi’ image were not in keeping with Pierce’s outlook and personality, and so he declined to join. In the short term, this hobbled his Movement career. But the absence of news photographs showing Pierce parading in a ‘Nazi’ uniform meant that doors would be open to him in the years ahead that would not have been open had such photos existed.

Instead, he helped Rockwell in other ways, working on various low-key projects and advising him. In 1966, at his initiative and largely at his own expense, Pierce launched a theoretical journal for the ANP and its international affiliate, the World Union of National Socialists. It was entitled National Socialist World. The journal provided a platform for serious NS exposition on a high intellectual level. It gave a certain heft and gravitas to Rockwell’s movement that it had previously lacked. NS World included both translations of writings from the Third Reich era, and new, post-War material. Among the authors who wrote for it were, in addition to Rockwell himself, British NS leader Colin Jordan, Matt Koehl, Bruno Luedtke (a former Hitler Youth officer and NSDAP member) and Indo-European NS philosopher Savitri Devi. Pierce provided an editorial for each issue.
 

______ 卐 ______

 

Editor’s note: This was the right path to go but, alas, Pierce stopped publishing National Socialist World the next year after the assassination of Rockwell.

 

______ 卐 ______

 

Development of NS theory under Rockwell

In addition to being a man of action, Rockwell was a serious thinker. During his university days, he had majored in philosophy. Rockwell studied Mein Kampf and other original NS materials. He realized that Hitler’s teachings regarding, Nature, Race, Society, Marxism and the Jews were fundamentally correct. At the same time, however, he saw that Hitler’s defeat in 1945 had changed the world forever. The geo-political realities that were obtained before the War had been permanently altered. Before the War, the perception in NS and related circles was that each Aryan nation was menaced internally by Jewish Capitalism, and externally by Soviet-based Jewish-Bolshevism. Accordingly, it was up to each separate Aryan folk or nation to defend itself, or, as Hitler put it, to ‘devise its form of national resurrection’.

In the post-1945 dispensation, Rockwell realized, this had changed. It was not the individual Aryan countries that were threatened, but rather the Aryan race as a whole that was under attack – and in danger of complete extinction. It was only logical, he reasoned, that a race-wide threat required a race-wide response. So, for Rockwell, the political focus was on race, with national concerns being secondary, whereas, in Hitler’s conception, the good of the nation came first.

Rockwell’s almost-exclusive focus on Race as the primary issue had the side effect of marginalizing almost all other NS concerns, especially in the social and economic spheres. The party program made good faith nods at economic theory and social reform, but such issues were never fleshed out, nor were they the focus of party outreach. Exacerbating this neglect was the fact that the ANP was considered – and considered itself – as a far-right organization. Among the right, efforts at social reform and economic justice were considered the purview of the left. The people Rockwell targeted and whom he attracted had little or no concern with such issues.

Another problem was that the confrontational racial nature of ANP outreach made it impossible on a practical level to build bridges to Black nationalists and other non-Whites who shared the National Socialist position on racial separation. Much has been written on Rockwell’s effort to forge a link with the Nation of Islam and other Black separatists, but in fact, nothing concrete was ever achieved on this front, although theoretically trans-racial alliances between National Socialists and non-Whites are certainly possible.

 
World Union of National Socialists

A practical manifestation of Rockwell’s promotion of National Socialism as an international pan-Aryan movement was the World Union of National Socialists. As previously noted, the concept of a ‘World Union’ was already present in his thinking when he founded his party in 1959 under the name ‘World Union of Free Enterprise National Socialists’. But for the first three years of the ANP such a formation was only an idea, not a political reality.

Rockwell’s ANP, however, inspired other National Socialists throughout the world to form similar parties. One of these was the National Socialist Movement, founded in Great Britain by Colin Jordan in April of 1962. In August of that year, Jordan and the NSM hosted a camp in the Cotswold region of England. It was attended by National Socialists from across the globe, including Rockwell.

Among those who participated, besides Rockwell and Jordan, were Bruno Luedtke from Germany, Savitri Devi, John Tyndall and Roland Kerr-Ritchie as well as delegates from Austria, Belgium and France. By the end of the gathering, the assembled comrades had agreed on a preliminary set of guidelines for the ‘World Union of National Socialists’ (Rockwell agreed to drop the term ‘Free Enterprise’ under pressure from the European comrades). The guidelines were known as the ‘Cotswold Agreements’. They named Colin Jordan as the International Leader, Rockwell as the Deputy International Leader, Karl Allen of the ANP as International Secretary, and John Tyndall of the NSM as Assistant International Secretary. The document stated that it was provisional, contingent on its ratification by a ‘World Nazi Congress’ scheduled for the next year.

The 1963 congress never took place. Jordan was imprisoned for political offences shortly after the gathering, and Rockwell became the International Leader. When Karl Allen left the ANP in 1964 after a failed mutiny, Matt Koehl become the International Secretary. The ‘provisional’ declaration, in effect, was made permanent.

The World Union provided for international strategic cooperation for its affiliated organizations (limited to one for each country), as well as participation by individual National Socialists in countries without a formal WUNS affiliate. Eventually, Jordan reorganized the NSM as the British Movement and withdrew from the World Union.

WUNS was never as effective in coordinating international NS operations as Rockwell had hoped. Eventually, after his death, it withered away until it was only a letterhead or symbolic organization. But it was important, nonetheless, for it established National Socialism in practice as a pan-Aryan internationalist movement, and not a movement embodying a racialist version of 19th-century petty nationalism.

 
The precedent of mass action in Chicago

Another precedent established by Rockwell was that of National Socialism as a mass movement for American Whites. In the summer of 1966, the west side of Chicago was rocked by a series of riots by working-class White ethnics who were opposed to the forced integration of their neighbourhoods. Spearheading the effort to break up all-White neighbourhoods was a young Jesse Jackson, who was soon joined by Martin Luther King.

The Whites felt abandoned by the politicians whom they had elected, and by the police, who were protecting Black ‘civil rights’ marchers invading their territory. The churches likewise sided with the Negroes. The media put out a steady stream of anti-White, pro-Black propaganda. Unsurprisingly, Chicago’s powerful Jewish community sided against the Whites. Special hatred was reserved by the White workers for the real estate agents – most of whom were Jews – who were trying through every means, openly and underhanded alike, to sell homes to Blacks in all-White neighbours. Everyone was against them. Who would stand up for the White Man?

The ANP maintained a small storefront office in the White neighbourhood of Gage Park, which had a large population of Italian origin. To the south of Gage Park was the neighbourhood of Marquette Park, which had a large population of Lithuanians and other Baltic peoples. Rockwell instructed his men to offer whatever aid they could to the embattled Whites. What began as noisy White counter-protests turned into violent White riots. A new Rockwell innovation, signs bearing the Swastika and the words ‘White Power’ were quickly adopted by the angry Whites as their emblem.

On August 21, Rockwell and his troopers (dressed in civilian clothes) held a mass rally in Marquette Park. Thousands of Whites cheered Rockwell’s call for White unity and White power under the Swastika. Upon the completion of his speech, Rockwell walked through the crowd, which hailed him as a conquering hero showered him with cash donations.

The enemies of the White workers – city hall, the police, the media, the clergy, the Black agitators, and above all the Jews – were shocked by the enthusiastic embrace of Rockwell by the angry Whites. Within days, King and his cohorts had wrapped up a hasty ‘desegregation’ agreement with the politicians and called off all further marches and other provocations. Indeed, King was so embarrassed that he left Chicago, never to return.

On September 10, Rockwell led a ‘White People’s March’ through White neighbourhoods and into the Black ghetto. Some 300 local citizens joined in. More would have participated but were turned back by police cordons. The authorities were once again flabbergasted by grassroots support for Rockwell and the ANP.

Within a year Rockwell was dead, and his vision of building a powerful base of support for the Movement in the areas in which he had had success was never fulfilled. But he had set the precedent for mass action. He had proved that ordinary American Whites will accept National Socialism and NS leadership when the conditions are right.

 
Rockwell’s final year and the transition to ‘Phase Two’

In the months immediately following the events in Chicago, Rockwell reviewed the state of his party and the progress that it had made. He concluded that it was time to begin to put aside the Phase One activities and concentrate on building a movement with a more serious image and focus. Effective January 1, 1967, he renamed the American Nazi Party as the National Socialist White People’s Party and began to institute other changes. The salutation ‘Sieg Heil!’ was replaced by ‘White Power!’, while ‘Heil Hitler!’ was to be used only within the party and never in public. New literature was written and designed, and older items that had been deliberately scandalous were phased out.

In June, a national leadership conference was held at the party’s national headquarters in Arlington, to brief local leaders from across the country on the movement’s new focus. A new monthly tabloid, entitled White Power: The Newspaper of White Revolution appeared in August, and Rockwell worked feverishly to complete a new book, also entitled White Power.

The specific goal of the new outreach was to recruit and build a base of support among the White middle class, as well as among White service personnel and police officers. Small businessmen were to be specially targeted.

It was at this point that Rockwell was assassinated. His deputy Matt Koehl took over leadership, and with the help of other party old fighters, he attempted to proceed with the changes Rockwell had outlined. How Koehl fared in this endeavour will be discussed in the next instalment of this series. But for now, let us note that in the minds of many people, Rockwell’s reputation, unfortunately, remains linked to the first phase of his program, and not to the next phase, which he was never able to fully implement.

 
Black Friday: August 25, 1967

On the afternoon of June 28, Rockwell and a supporter were returning to the headquarters, when they found the entranceway blocked by a pile of debris. As the makeshift barricade was being cleared, two shots rang out from the woods to Rockwell’s left. With characteristic courage, Rockwell, who was unarmed, charged his attackers. He gave chase for a quarter mile or so until the two men jumped in a vehicle and drove off. A report was filed with the Arlington County police. A few weeks later, Rockwell applied for a permit to carry a concealed weapon – and was turned down. He privately told his colleagues that from behind one of the men resembled John Patler, a former ANP officer whom he had recently expelled from the party for dereliction of duty and spreading dissension within the ranks.

Two months later, Rockwell was shot dead from an ambush at a local shopping centre. A suspect matching Patler’s description was seen running from the site of the crime, and indeed, Patler was subsequently arrested while waiting at a bus stop some distance away. In 1968, Patler was convicted of second-degree murder, and sentenced to twenty years in prison of which he served seven years. As of this writing, he is still alive and living in New York City.

It was a tragic but foreseeable end to Rockwell’s life. As early as 1962, he had predicted his assassination, writing, ‘I knew that I would not live to see the victory which I would make possible, but I would not die before I had made that victory certain’.

 
The Carto connection

So far, we have limited the discussion of American National Socialism in the 1960s to Rockwell and his party. As we previously explained, Rockwell’s presence during that period loomed so large that it overshadowed all other groups and efforts to spread the NS message. But no account of the Movement in the Sixties would be complete without mentioning Rockwell’s more mainstream counterpart: Willis Carto. While Rockwell was the face of the hardcore Hitlerian movement, Carto attempted to build support for it in a less-controversial manner.

Like Rockwell, Carto was a World War II veteran who was unhappy with the course that the country had taken in the postwar period. He felt that the government had been infiltrated with communists, and that, further, it was the Jews who were behind communism. Beginning in the mid-1950s, Carto launched a series of publications and business ventures designed to awaken American Whites to the danger that threatened the republic. But unlike Rockwell, Carto resolved to work within the system, and in particular, within the extreme right-wing of the Republican party.

Beginning in 1960, Carto and Rockwell would meet privately to coordinate their efforts. Carto began by publishing an article by Rockwell explaining the ANP and its approach in his publication Right! For this, he was roundly condemned by respectable conservatives who felt that support for Rockwell was beyond the pale of acceptance – whether Rockwell was right or not. Carto brushed off these criticisms by his more-timid colleagues.

Later Carto started a publishing company called Noontide Press (which still exists today). While not openly advocating National Socialism, Noontide produced books and other publications on race and revisionist history that espoused an essentially NS viewpoint. One of these books was a mass-market edition of Imperium: The Politics of Philosophy and History by Francis Parker Yockey. Yockey was a Fascist rather than a National Socialist, but he dedicated his tome to Adolf Hitler, whom he called ‘the Hero of the Second World War’. Carto also lobbied congress, and in other ways spread a message fundamentally the same as Rockwell’s to a mainstream audience.

 
Other groups

The National States Rights Party founded two years before the ANP was the largest pro-NS group in the country during the Sixties. Although based in the south, it had members and units throughout the US. In 1960, Rockwell was working as hard as he could to stay out of jail and bring in enough money to keep the lights turned on at his headquarters. That same year, the NSRP contested the presidential election, fielding former Arkansas Governor Orville Farbus for president and retired admiral John Crommelin for vice president. The NSRP ticket was on the ballot in five states and won a total of 300,000 votes.

At its height, the NSRP tabloid, The Thunderbolt: The Whiteman’s Viewpoint, had about 25,000 subscribers. Rockwell’s mailing list, in contrast, topped off at about 3,000. And yet, it was Rockwell who had the wider and more lasting impact for the decades.

The debate still rages today whether open advocacy of National Socialism or a slightly modified ‘Americanized’ approach is most effective. Certainly, in day-to-day operations, a concealed approach offers immediate advantages. But the evidence provided by Rockwell’s example suggests that over the long run, an honest, above-board strategy yields the greatest results.

James Madole’s National Renaissance Party was also active throughout the Sixties. However, it became, to a degree, a pale imitation of the ANP. Despite using the thunderbolt instead of the Swastika, and despite using a grey shirt instead of a brown shirt for its activist arm, it never had either the appeal or the success which Rockwell enjoyed.

A splinter of the ANP, called the White Party of America popped up in the middle of the decade. It was led by Karl Allen, former deputy commander of the ANP. The White Party, as it was commonly known, attempted to ape Rockwell’s policies and tactics, but without using the Swastika or referencing Adolf Hitler or National Socialism. It attracted activist types who were put off by Rockwell’s ‘Nazi’ image. In terms of membership, it quickly overtook the ANP. But like the NRP, it never had the impact or influence that Rockwell had.

Rockwell invited Allen and the White Party leadership to the June NSWPP conference mentioned previously. He hoped to merge the two groups or at least ally with them. However, as the conference began, Allen picked a quarrel with Rockwell, and the White Party delegation stormed out. Later, after it was revealed that Allen’s employer was an official of a Jewish dirty-tricks outfit, the White Party disbanded. Some suspect that it was a false flag operation all along, designed to draw manpower and economic support from people who would have otherwise supported Rockwell.

 
Summing up the Sixties

For American National Socialism, the 1960s was a time for both renewal and experimentation. When the Second World War ended in 1945, it was widely assumed that National Socialism was dead and gone forever, especially in the US, where it had never been that strong, to begin with. But through the courage, genius and Herculean effort of one man, National Socialism was reborn. Although the Rockwell movement did not amount to much in terms of numbers during his lifetime, Rockwell laid the groundwork for the continued existence and growth of his Cause into the future. It was then up to those who took up the mantle of his leadership to determine whether the potential that Rockwell had uncovered would be realized or not.

Categories
Who We Are (book) William Pierce

Pierce in German!

An abridged translation of the final chapter of Who We Are by William Pierce is now available in German.

Categories
Artikel auf Deutsch William Pierce

Wer wir sind

Der folgende Text ist die Übersetzung einer Kurzfassung von „The Race’s Gravest Crisis Is at Hand“, dem Schlußkapitel von William Pierce’ Geschichte der weißen Rasse, „Who We Are“, ursprünglich erschienen in National Vanguard (Mai 1978 bis Mai 1982):

Seit dem Ende des Zweiten Weltkriegs haben sich die Lage und die Aussichten der Weißen Rasse sowohl moralisch als auch materiell verschlechtert.

So schlecht der moralische Zustand der Rasse vor dem Krieg war, so unermesslich schlechter wurde er danach. Seit dem Dreißigjährigen Krieg hatten die Weißen einander nicht mehr mit einer solchen religiös motivierten Grausamkeit und in einem solchen Ausmaß umgebracht. Doch dieses Mal war der Aberglaube, mit dem all das Töten gerechtfertigt wurde, nicht so tief verwurzelt wie 300 Jahre zuvor.

Als die von Bombern gesäten Feuerstürme, die Hunderttausende von deutschen Frauen und Kindern in Dresden, Hamburg und einem Dutzend anderer Städte verbrannt hatten, sich ausgetobt hatten; als die letzte Massenerschießung von Kriegsgefangenen durch die Amerikaner vorüber war; als die Briten damit fertig waren, Hunderttausende von antikommunistischen Kroaten und Kosaken mit vorgehaltenem Bajonett an ihre kommunistischen Henker in Jugoslawien und der Sowjetunion auszuliefern; als die umherziehenden Vergewaltigerbanden im sowjetisch besetzten Berlin endlich gesättigt waren; als die Mordorgien in Paris und Prag und den anderen Hauptstädten des „befreiten“ Europas abgeklungen waren; als der Krieg und seine unmittelbaren, blutigen Nachwirkungen vorbei waren und die Weißen in Amerika und Großbritannien Gelegenheit hatten, ihr Werk zu begutachten und darüber nachzudenken, kamen die ersten Zweifel.

Einer der Hauptverantwortlichen für die Katastrophe, der britische Premierminister Winston Churchill, brachte diese Zweifel unverblümter und prägnanter als alle anderen zum Ausdruck. Als er in einem seiner seltenen Momente der Nüchternheit über die problematische Zukunft Großbritanniens in einem Nachkriegseuropa nachdachte, das von dem neu entstandenen sowjetischen Koloss überschattet wurde, platzte er heraus: „Wir haben das falsche Schwein geschlachtet.“ Dies war derselbe Churchill, der einige Monate zuvor in einem weniger nüchternen Moment seine Verachtung für das besiegte Deutschland dadurch symbolisch zum Ausdruck gebracht hatte, dass er in Anwesenheit einer Gruppe von Journalisten ostentativ in den Rhein urinierte.

Viele der westlichen Staats- und Regierungschefs, die in den Krieg verwickelt waren, hatten nicht mehr moralische Gewissensbisse oder Verantwortungsgefühl für das, was sie getan hatten, als Churchill. Ihr Geschrei über „deutsche Kriegsverbrechen“ war oft das wirksamste Mittel, um von ihren eigenen Verbrechen und den Verbrechen anderer abzulenken.

Die Einzelheiten der Geschichte der Nachkriegszeit waren in Großbritannien, Amerika, Frankreich und den anderen westlichen Nationen unterschiedlich, aber die allgemeinen Trends waren überall gleich. Die folgenden Abschnitte beziehen sich speziell auf die Vereinigten Staaten, aber die Schlussfolgerungen, zu denen sie führen, gelten für den Westen im Allgemeinen.

* * *

Bürgerrechte. Und dann, bevor irgendjemand sein Gleichgewicht finden und herausfinden konnte, was es bedeutet und wohin es führen würde, brach das Phänomen der „Bürgerrechte“ über das Nachkriegsamerika herein. Was vor dem Krieg unmöglich gewesen wäre, nahm in den späten 1940er Jahren Fahrt auf und zog in den folgenden zwei Jahrzehnten alle mit sich. Als sich der Rauch in den späten 1960er Jahren zu lichten begann, stellten die weißen Amerikaner fest, dass sie sich selbst um ihr kostbarstes und grundlegendes Bürgerrecht betrogen hatten: das Recht auf freie Vereinigung.

Sie konnten sich ihre Nachbarn nicht mehr aussuchen und vernünftige Maßnahmen ergreifen, um sicherzustellen, dass sich die rassische Zusammensetzung der Gemeinden, in denen sie lebten, nicht verschlechterte; jeder Versuch, dies zu tun, war illegal geworden und wurde mit einer Haftstrafe in einem Bundesgefängnis geahndet.

Sie konnten ihre Kinder nicht mehr in Schulen schicken, die sie mit ihren eigenen Steuern finanzierten und die von Kindern ihrer eigenen Rasse besucht wurden.

Diejenigen von ihnen, die Arbeitgeber waren, konnten keine Männer und Frauen ihrer Wahl mehr einstellen.

Jeder Ort und jede soziale Gruppierung, in der die weißen Männer und Frauen Amerikas frei mit ihresgleichen verkehren konnten – Wohnviertel und Arbeitsplätze, Schulen und Erholungsgebiete, Restaurants und Kinos, Militäreinheiten und städtische Polizeikräfte –, stand nun auch Nicht-Weißen offen, und letztere zögerten nicht lange und verschafften sich dort einen Stand.

Multirassische Pseudo-Nation. Was in der erstaunlich kurzen Zeit von etwas mehr als zwei Jahrzehnten erreicht worden war, war die Umwandlung des stärksten, reichsten und fortschrittlichsten Landes der Erde von einer Weißen Nation, in der rassische Minderheitengruppen von jeder nennenswerten Teilhabe an der Weißen Gesellschaft – außer als Arbeitskräfte – faktisch ausgeschlossen waren, in eine multirassische Pseudonation, in der Nichtweiße nicht nur teilnahmen, sondern eine privilegierte und verwöhnte Elite bildeten.

Das Ausmaß der Transformation ist vielen Weißen, die nach ihrem Beginn geboren wurden, nicht bewusst, aber es lässt sich leicht nachvollziehen, wenn man sich die kulturellen Zeugnisse der früheren Ära ansieht. Ein Vergleich von Zeitschriftenanzeigen oder fotografierten Straßenszenen, von populärer Belletristik oder Grundschullehrbüchern, von Kinofilmen oder Gesichtern in Highschool-Jahrbüchern von 1940 mit denen des letzten Jahrzehnts zeigt die Geschichte in aller Deutlichkeit.

Diese radikale Enteignung weißer Amerikaner wurde nicht nur im Namen von „Gerechtigkeit“ und „Freiheit“ durchgeführt, sondern es wurde dabei auch kaum ein Schuss abgegeben: Insgesamt fielen nicht mehr als ein Dutzend Weiße bei dem schwachen und völlig wirkungslosen Widerstand, der dagegen geleistet wurde. Mehr als alles andere zeigt dieser Mangel an Widerstand den moralischen Zustand der Rasse in der Nachkriegszeit.

Es stimmt natürlich, dass die Juden, die die Enteignung planten und einen großen Anteil daran hatten, sich gut vorbereitet hatten. Wenige Jahre vor dem Krieg befanden sich noch große Teile der amerikanischen Nachrichten- und Unterhaltungsmedien in den Händen von rassisch bewussten Weißen. Große Verlage veröffentlichten in den 1920er und 1930er Jahren Bücher, die sich offen mit Eugenik, Rassenunterschieden und dem Judenproblem auseinandersetzten. Henry Ford, Amerikas führender Industrieller, schenkte in den 1920er Jahren den Käufern seiner Automobile eine Zeit lang ein Freiexemplar von The International Jew, einem stark antijüdischen Buch, das zuvor in seiner Zeitung The Dearborn Independent erschienen war.

In den 1930er Jahren sprach sich Pater Charles Coughlan, ein unabhängiger katholischer Priester mit einer Radiosendung, die von Millionen gehört wurde, entschieden gegen jüdische politische Intrigen aus, bis er durch eine Anordnung des Vatikans zum Schweigen gebracht wurde.

Doch gegen Ende des Krieges hatten die Juden die Medien so fest im Griff, dass abweichende Meinungen gegen ihre Politik in der Öffentlichkeit kein Gehör fanden. Keine große Zeitung, keine Filmgesellschaft, kein Radiosender und keine populäre Zeitschrift war mehr in den Händen ihrer Gegner.

Einige Institutionen, vor allem die christlichen Kirchen, trugen die Saat der Rassenvernichtung bereits in sich und brauchten relativ wenig Aufwand, um sie mit den jüdischen Plänen in Einklang zu bringen. Andere (die Ford Foundation ist ein eindrucksvolles Beispiel) wurden infiltriert, übernommen und in eine Richtung gelenkt, die der von ihren Gründern beabsichtigten diametral entgegengesetzt war.

Eine tiefgehende moralische Krankheit. Letztlich ändert jedoch nichts von alledem etwas an der Tatsache, dass die weiße Bevölkerung der westlichen Nationen in der Nachkriegszeit moralisch zutiefst krank ist. Es handelt sich um eine Krankheit, die tief in der Vergangenheit wurzelt, wie in früheren Beiträgen dargelegt wurde, aber im Amerika der Nachkriegszeit zur Blüte gelangte.

Es ist schwierig, das Hexengebräu zu analysieren und den einzelnen Zutaten genau die Schuld zuzuweisen. Es gab zum einen den Trend zu einer immer vulgäreren und unehrlicheren Demokratie, der schon lange vor dem Krieg einsetzte und mit dem Eintritt Franklin Roosevelts auf die nationale politische Bühne im Jahr 1932 einen neuen Höhepunkt erreichte.

Und es gab den Verlust der Verwurzelung und die damit einhergehende zunehmende Entfremdung, die sich aus der größeren Mobilität der motorisierten Bevölkerung ergab.

Schlussendlich war da das mächtige neue Propagandamedium Fernsehen mit seiner beängstigenden Fähigkeit, zu hypnotisieren und zu manipulieren.

Aber es war das unsagbar grausame Verbrechen des Krieges selbst und seine Auswirkungen auf diejenigen, die an ihm teilnahmen, das als Katalysator diente, der alle Elemente miteinander reagieren ließ und die Krankheit selbst metastasierte.

Der böse Geist der unmittelbaren Nachkriegszeit war damals nur für einige wenige besonders fühlsame Menschen erkennbar, während die meisten nicht unter den oberflächlichen Glitter von Veränderung und Bewegung sehen konnten.

Die gegenwärtige Bedrohung für das Überleben der Weißen Rasse ist sowohl physisch als auch moralisch: Während sich das zahlenmäßige Gleichgewicht der Rassen sowohl in der Welt als Ganzes als auch in den meisten ehemals Weißen Nationen der nördlichen Hemisphäre rasch von den Weißen zu den Nicht-Weißen verschiebt, nimmt die durchschnittliche rassische Qualität derer, die dem Weißen Lager angehören, ab.

Das weltweite Rassengleichgewicht hat sich von 30 Prozent Weißen im Jahr 1900 auf knapp 20 Prozent Weiße im Jahr 1982 verschoben. Bis zum Ende des nächsten Jahrzehnts wird die Welt weniger als 16 Prozent Weiße haben. Die Bevölkerungsexplosion in der südlichen Hemisphäre, die für diese Rassenverschiebung verantwortlich ist, ist weitgehend die Folge des Exports weißer Wissenschaft und Technologie, die die Sterblichkeitsraten in Afrika, Indien und anderen nicht-weißen Gebieten der Welt dramatisch gesenkt haben.

Die Rassenvermischung der Nachkriegszeit ging mit einer enormen Zunahme interrassischer Vermehrung einher. Vor dem Krieg waren Eheschließungen zwischen Weißen und Schwarzen in den Vereinigten Staaten gesellschaftlich nicht akzeptabel und in vielen Bundesstaaten sogar illegal. Die wenigen Mulattenkinder wurden fast immer von schwarzen Müttern geboren und blieben in der schwarzen Rassengruppe. Nach dem Krieg wurden durch eine unerbittliche Propaganda alle rechtlichen und die meisten sozialen Hindernisse für die Rassenvermischung beseitigt, und die zweite Generation von Mischlingskindern nähert sich nun dem Fortpflanzungsalter.

Grimmige Rekapitulation. Um die gegenwärtige Situation der Weißen Rasse zu rekapitulieren:

Die geografische Ausbreitung der Weißen, die in den letzten vier Jahrhunderten die Regel war, wurde im 20. Jahrhundert mit dem Ende des europäischen Kolonialismus nicht nur gestoppt, sondern in der Zeit nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg umgekehrt.

Auf jeden Weißen, der auf dem Planeten lebt, kommen heute mehr als vier Nicht-Weiße, und das Verhältnis verschiebt sich immer schneller in Richtung eines noch größeren Übergewichts der Nicht-Weißen.

Die Prognosen sind ernst. Wenn sich die gegenwärtigen demografischen Trends noch ein halbes Jahrhundert lang unvermindert fortsetzen und wenn in dieser Zeit eine entschlossene und weitsichtige Minderheit von Menschen europäischer Abstammung keine nachhaltigen Anstrengungen unternimmt, um ein anderes Ergebnis zu erzielen, dann wird die Rasse, deren Geschichte wir in diesen 26 Teilen nachgezeichnet haben, das Ende ihrer langen Reise erreicht haben.

Sie mag noch ein weiteres Jahrhundert oder länger in isolierten Enklaven wie Island verweilen, und ihre charakteristischen Merkmale oder ihre Färbung werden im nächsten Jahrtausend mit abnehmender Häufigkeit bei Individuen wiederkehren, aber vor der Mitte des 21. Jahrhunderts wird der Punkt erreicht sein, von dem aus es kein Zurück mehr gibt.

Dann wird die Rasse, die den Ruhm Griechenlands und die Größe Roms begründete, die die Erde eroberte und ihre Herrschaft über alle anderen Rassen errichtete, die das Geheimnis des Atoms entschlüsselte und die Kraft nutzte, die die Sonne erhellt, die sich aus dem Griff der Schwerkraft befreite und nach neuen Welten ausgriff, in ewige Dunkelheit verschwinden.

Und die gegenwärtigen demographischen Trends werden sich fortsetzen, solange die politischen, religiösen und sozialen Konzepte und Werte, die derzeit das Denken der westlichen Völker und ihrer Führer umschreiben, weiterhin eine entscheidende Rolle spielen. Denn im Grunde ist es ein moralischer Defekt, der das Überleben der Rasse bedroht.

Wenn der Wille zum Überleben in den Weißen Massen vorhanden wäre und sie bereit wären, die notwendigen Maßnahmen zu ergreifen – was erfordern würde, dass sie gegen das Diktat der Religion handeln –, dann könnte die physische Bedrohung überwunden werden, mit Sicherheit und schnell. Die nicht-weiße Einwanderung könnte sofort und mit relativ geringem Aufwand gestoppt werden. Die Auswirkungen früherer nicht-weißer Einwanderung und der Rassenmischung rückgängig zu machen, wäre eine viel größere Aufgabe, die größere wirtschaftliche Anpassungen und zweifellos auch ein erhebliches Maß an Blutvergießen erfordern würde, aber es wäre eine Aufgabe, die durchaus im Rahmen der physischen Möglichkeiten der Weißen Mehrheit läge.

Diese Dinge könnten erreicht werden, selbst zu diesem späten Zeitpunkt. Und wenn sie erst einmal in einem großen Land vollbracht sind, könnten sie weltweit ausgedehnt werden, wenn auch vielleicht nicht ohne einen weiteren großen Krieg und die damit verbundenen Risiken. Aber natürlich werden sie nicht erreicht werden. Denn der Wille zum Überleben existiert nicht und er hat seit dem Ende des Zweiten Weltkriegs in der weißen Bevölkerung keiner Großmacht mehr existiert. Die letzte Chance der Rasse, ihre Probleme auf diese relativ schmerzlose Weise zu überwinden, starb im Januar 1943 in Stalingrad.

In den nächsten Jahrzehnten wird also unweigerlich viel verloren gehen. Das Gleichgewicht der Bevölkerung wird sich überall noch schneller zugunsten der Nicht-Weißen, der Mischlinge und der Untauglichen verschieben. Die Welt wird ärmer, hässlicher, lauter, überfüllter und schmutziger werden. Aberglaube, Entartung und Korruption werden allgegenwärtig sein, selbst unter den Weißen von gesunder Rasse, und ein Großteil bester Rasse wird durch Rassenmischung für immer verschwinden.

Und die Unterdrückung wird sicherlich überall zunehmen: Denjenigen, die für Qualität statt Quantität und für rassischen Fortschritt eintreten, wird im Namen von „Freiheit“ und „Gerechtigkeit“ das Recht auf Widerspruch und das Recht auf Selbstverteidigung verweigert werden.

Letzten Endes muss jedoch keiner dieser Verluste entscheidend oder gar bedeutsam sein, so beängstigend sie jetzt auch sein mögen und so schrecklich sie in den unmittelbar bevorstehenden dunklen Jahren auch sein mögen. Alles, was wirklich wichtig ist, ist, dass ein Teil der Rasse überlebt, sich körperlich und geistig reinerhält, sich weiter fortpflanzt und schließlich über diejenigen siegt, die ihre Existenz bedrohen, selbst wenn dies tausend Jahre dauern sollte; und dieses Ergebnis sicherzustellen ist die dringende Aufgabe der rassisch bewussten Minderheit unseres Volkes in diesen gefährlichen Zeiten.

Einige Leitlinien. Eine detaillierte Ausarbeitung dieser Aufgabe würde den Rahmen dieser Serie sprengen, die, wie im Vorwort der ersten Folge erwähnt, lediglich dazu dient, den Lesern ein besseres Verständnis ihrer eigenen rassischen Identität zu vermitteln. Es mag jedoch angebracht sein, die Reihe Wer wir sind abzuschließen, indem wir die Lehren daraus ziehen, um einige sehr prägnante Leitlinien für die vor uns liegende Aufgabe aufzustellen:

1) Es ist eine Aufgabe für mindestens Jahrzehnte, wenn nicht Jahrhunderte. Geschichte zieht sich sehr zäh dahin; ein historischer Prozess von langer Dauer kann plötzlich in einem einzigen, katastrophalen Ereignis kulminieren, aber jede große Entwicklung in der Geschichte der Rasse hat tiefe Wurzeln und ist auf einem Boden gewachsen, der durch vorangegangene Entwicklungen gründlich vorbereitet wurde. Der Lauf der Geschichte ist jetzt, soweit es unsere Rasse betrifft, steil abwärts gerichtet, und seine Richtung zu ändern, wird nicht über Nacht geschehen, und dies wird auch nicht durch irgendwelche erfolgversprechenden Kinkerlitzchen erreicht werden, sondern es muss vorher ein Fundament für diesen Erfolg gelegt worden sein, Stein auf Stein, sorgfältig gesetzt.

2) Die Schaffenden, die diese Aufgabe übernehmen, werden nur eine winzige Minderheit der Rasse sein. Jedes Programm, das ein „Erwachen der Massen“ vorsieht oder sich auf die angeborene Weisheit der großen Masse unseres Volkes verlässt – also jedes populistische Programm – beruht auf einer falschen Vision und einem falschen Verständnis vom Wesen der Massen. In unserer langen Geschichte ist noch nie ein großer Schritt nach oben von der Masse der Bevölkerung vollzogen worden, sondern immer nur von einer außergewöhnlichen Person oder einigen wenigen außergewöhnlichen Individuen. Die Masse geht immer den Weg des geringsten Widerstandes, d. h. sie folgt immer der stärksten Fraktion. Es ist wichtig, mit den Massen zu arbeiten, sie zu informieren, sie zu beeinflussen, aus ihnen zu rekrutieren; aber man darf nicht auf ihre bestimmende, spontane Unterstützung zählen, bevor nicht eine kleine Minderheit aus eigener Kraft eine stärkere Kraft als jede gegnerische Gruppierung aufgebaut hat.

3) Die Aufgabe ist entsprechend ihrer Natur grundlegend, und sie wird nur durch einen grundlegenden Ansatz erfüllt werden können. Das heißt, dass diejenigen, die sich dieser Aufgabe widmen, einen reinen Geist und eine reine Seele haben müssen; sie müssen verstehen, dass ihr Ziel eine Gesellschaft ist, die auf ganz anderen Werten beruht als die, die der gegenwärtigen Gesellschaft zugrunde liegen, und sie müssen sich von ganzem Herzen und ohne Vorbehalt diesem Ziel verschreiben; sie müssen bereit sein, den ganzen Ballast an Fehlvorstellungen und das momentan gesellschaftlich Geschätzte hinter sich zu lassen. Es handelt sich also nicht um eine Aufgabe für Konservative oder Rechte, für „Gemäßigte“ oder Liberale oder für alle, deren Denken in den Irrtümern und der Korruption verhaftet ist, die uns auf den Abwärtskurs geführt haben, sondern es ist eine Aufgabe für diejenigen, die zu einem völlig neuen Bewusstsein der Welt fähig sind.

Die Aufgabe ist eine biologische, kulturelle und geistige, aber auch eine pädagogische und politische. Ihr Ziel hat nur in Bezug auf einen bestimmten Typus von Menschen einen Sinn, und wenn dieser Typus nicht erhalten werden kann, während die erzieherischen und politischen Aspekte der Aufgabe erfüllt werden, dann kann das Ziel nicht erreicht werden. Wenn die Aufgabe nicht in einer einzigen Generation erfüllt werden kann, muss es irgendwo ein soziales Milieu geben, das die mit dem Ziel verbundenen kulturellen und geistigen Werte widerspiegelt und verkörpert und dazu dient, diese Werte von einer Generation zur nächsten weiterzugeben. Die Erhaltung eines sozialen Milieus erfordert ebenso wie die Erhaltung eines Genpools ein gewisses Maß an Isolierung von fremden Elementen: je länger die Aufgabe dauert, desto höher ist das Maß. Dieses Erfordernis mag schwer zu erfüllen sein, aber es ist essentiell. Man sollte also eine Aufgabe ins Auge fassen, die sowohl einen internen, d. h. gemeinschaftsorientierten Aspekt als auch einen externen, d. h. politisch-pädagogischen Rekrutierungsaspekt hat. Mit dem Fortschreiten der Aufgabe und der Veränderung der äußeren und inneren Bedingungen wird sich zweifellos auch die Gewichtung der beiden Aspekte ändern.

* * *

Die hier gestellte Aufgabe ist gewaltig groß, und sie zu bewältigen wird einen größeren Willen, eine größere Intelligenz und eine größere Selbstlosigkeit erfordern, als sie unserer Rasse in irgendeiner früheren Krise abverlangt wurde. Die Gefahr, der wir uns jetzt gegenübersehen, sowohl durch den Feind innerhalb unserer Tore als auch durch den, der sich noch außerhalb befindet, ist größer als die, der wir uns durch die entrassten Römer im ersten Jahrhundert, die Hunnen im fünften Jahrhundert, die Mauren im achten Jahrhundert oder die Mongolen im 13. Jahrhundert gegenübersahen. Überwinden wir sie nicht, werden wir keine zweite Chance haben.

Bei all dem müssen wir uns klar machen, dass alle unsere Ressourcen im kommenden Kampf aus uns selbst kommen müssen; es wird keine Hilfe von außen geben, keine Wunder.

Categories
Jared Taylor Racial studies Universalism William Pierce

Taylor debates a Catholic

Watch the video in Bitchute: here. American anti-Semites love E. Michael Jones, who has written on Jewish issues, notably in the 2008 book The Jewish Revolutionary Spirit and its Impact on World History. It is pitiful to see Jones read his pseudo-responses to Taylor, previously typed on his computer before the debate, instead of trying to answer Jared’s superb class on race realism. However, I disagree with Taylor that some Jews could be accepted as part of the tissue of the West.

After a tough question by the moderator, after 1:31 Jones said that by ‘preaching to all nations’ the Gospel meant ‘ethnic groups’.

He is right! There’s an irreconcilable conflict between Christian doctrine and racism, as Savitri wisely said in our latest posts.

After 1:39 the Christian Jones showed his true colours. The moderator asked him: If the millions of non-white Muslims and blacks in France suddenly became Catholics should they be expelled? Emphatically Jones answered ‘No!… They could become Frenchmen, without any problem!’ He even added that an African who migrated to Poland could become Polish as well…

It is interesting to know that Jared read Kevin MacDonald’s trilogy, as he says in this debate (I read it too). His argument that not all Jews are subversive is easily answered with Pierce’s article ‘Seeing the Forest’:

Perhaps only 10 per cent of the trees in this Jewish forest have roots deep enough to inject their poison into us, and the other 90 per cent play only supporting roles of one sort or another. It is still the whole forest which is our problem. If the forest were not here we would not have had to endure the curse of Bolshevism. If the forest were not here America would not be growing darker and more degenerate by the year. It is the whole forest, not just a few of the most poisonous trees in it, which must be uprooted and removed from our soil if we are to become healthy again.

There is much truth in this statement despite the fact that, even with the Jews fairly controlled by the Inquisition, the Iberians miscegenated both in the peninsula and in the Americas. As we have been saying, this was due to Christian ethics that do not distinguish between races. In fact, Jones’s stance on race has been universal among Catholics and traditional Protestants. Among the former it was universal even before Constantine handed over the empire to his bishops.

On balance, for the health of the fourteen words I find Jones’ racial universalism more toxic than Jared’s relatively benign view of Jews.

Categories
William Pierce

TOO misrepresents Pierce

This is a postscript to what I wrote yesterday in ‘Holmes quote’.

In his article yesterday on The Occidental Observer, Robert S. Griffin, author of a book about William Pierce, not only fails to mention the JQ, which Pierce talked about so much on his podcasts. Griffin also fails to mention the CQ about which Pierce said wise things in the book that I mention at the end of my previous post.

A subject who only reads Kevin MacDonald’s webzine and doesn’t delve into the most important non-fiction work that came out of Pierce’s pen, will be left with a sanitised view of Pierce: more akin to American race realism than Pierce’s exterminationist racism.

But of course: Christian ethics reign at TOO.

Categories
Americanism Racial right William Pierce

America delenda est

Left, Sebastian E. Ronin’s latest pic on his Facebook page.

To save the white race, the United States, a country based on Christian ethics, must be destroyed. This was not seen by even the best men the US has produced, such as Rockwell and Pierce. Although both have been guiding spirits for this site, I now see that, by making concessions to Christianity in his second novel, where a Christian preacher appears almost as a saving hero, Pierce ‘cucked’ at the CQ.

I’m afraid to say that I was wrong and old Sebas was right. In 2015 I said: ‘The huge difference between Hitler and Pierce, and white nationalists, is that virtually all of them cannot break away from the grip of Christian axiology, atheists included’. Sebastian Ronin responded:

Not from their Amerikan identity, Pierce included (who, like most Murkan WNs, was simply a screeching patriotard beneath the racialist posturing). WN is fail because it has stemmed from the Murkan psyche. Nothing good and decent can stem from the Murkan psyche; it encompasses an ontology that is wretched and rotten. Once this massive blind spot is not only spotted, but accepted, then a realistic Ethno Nationalism may get underway.

By now it should be obvious, more than obvious in fact (just see what’s been going on in there), that the US is the spearhead in the Western project to exterminate the White Man. The obsession of the American white nationalists with the Jew is deciphered when we understand that they see the straw in another’s eye and not the beam in their own.

It is true that before this criticism we can spare Pierce’s Who We Are. But even in his first novel Pierce doesn’t put Christianity on the dock, and also puts American racists as the leaders of The Organization that eventually saves the fair race by exterminating non-whites.

In the real world, an exterminationist Organization that conquers the whole world, as the one that appears in The Turner Diaries, would only be possible if Americans apostatised from Christianity, secular Christianity and transvalued all its values. And as old Sebas said, the chances of that happening are virtually zero, even among so-called American neonazis.

Categories
3-eyed crow William Pierce

The raven’s sight

More than forty years ago, in ‘Why the West Will Go Under’ published on National Vanguard (excerpted: here), William Pierce predicted everything that would happen today. I consider Pierce to be one of the extremely, extremely few three-eyed ravens to use the metaphor I use at the end of my eleven autobiographical books.

Four decades after his very wise words, a few racialists have begun to see glimpses of what Pierce clearly and transparently saw when whites thought that everything was great. The following are three posts from commenters of an article published yesterday on American Renaissance:

Commenter 1: There is no fixing this politically. You need to understand that right now. As I have said numerous times, it will take a Hitleresque type of ruthlessness to save the country and the white race. You want to keep playing fair with these people, then prepare to die.

Jared Taylor who runs that webzine has been trying for decades to play fair (remember that Taylor’s parents were fanatic Christians that moved to Japan to save the heathen).

Commenter 2: What I will never understand is just how many White people in the US, Canada, Western Europe, Australia and New Zealand support the extermination of the European peoples worldwide.

Has this guy read one of the three articles that we recommend in the comments section of the sticky post, that of Black Pigeon Speaks? (When I finish my review of Game of Thrones I will replace it with a passage from my eleventh book.)

Commenter 3: What if the nation has been sick from the inception and this end is fitting? Do we really want to save this horrid monster? We should not even attempt life support, let the USA die.

They are just beginning to glimpse things that the three-eyed raven had seen thanks to his precognitive abilities…

Categories
George Lincoln Rockwell Real men William Pierce

Pierce’s surviving clip

I would like to add something about what I said yesterday, in one of the comment threads, about one of the few videos that survived the YouTube thoughtpolice, in which we see William Pierce speak.

I don’t agree with everything the prematurely aged Pierce said there. For example, I don’t see anything wrong with some young people exclaiming 14/88 and giving Roman salutes. But we must understand that Pierce founded his association in the shadow of Rockwell, whom he admired. That Rockwell was murdered by one of his own group must have caused young Pierce great consternation.

Rockwell admitted every young Aryan to his ranks, and I remember very much an anecdote that he himself tells that he accepted a young lad who was practically homeless; he even entered their headquarters half-naked when he wanted to join the club. In time, this young man proved to be an excellent element for the group, and we shouldn’t criticise the commander for having accepted him.

The problem with this practice is that it is impossible to detect who the real deranged is; who will later become a traitor and a murderer.

It is unrealistic to ask people to be ‘winners’ and not ‘losers’ in life as Pierce demands in his video. As Trainspotter once said, so-called winners are pigs: bourgeois who, if they join a racialist organisation, they won’t go beyond what we see in AmRen meetings or the discussion threads of the webzine with the same name.

In other words, we either have would-be revolutionaries of unsound mind who in any moment can kill us (what happened to Rockwell, Tommasi or the most recent accident in Atomwaffen Division), or decadent bourgeois who won’t ever raise a weapon.

It is a huge dilemma, and the saddest thing is that there is no way to solve it today for the simple fact that the feminised bourgeois need to suffer horrors before growing a pair, as Pierce himself splendidly portrays in his novel when talking about the liberated zones. Only after the coming catastrophe will it be possible to find more and more people of sound mind who also will be useful to the cause.

Our only options are meta-politics although never condemn a lone wolf in our forums, which is why I just changed the subtitle to ‘Metapolitics because it’s not time to kill yet’.

Categories
Civil war George Lincoln Rockwell Hate Michael O'Meara Racial right Who We Are (book) William Pierce

Charlottesville without stars or stripes

Or what does the word transvaluation mean in my mouth

There is something that I must add to what I said yesterday in the context of the current approach among race realists, which can be summed up in the already quoted words of Michael O’Meara, ‘The historical course offered by myth, in contrast to the inherently passive determinism of scientific rationalism, is a choice for heroes, not bookworms or computer hobbyists’.

But first of all I must say that the great failure of O’Meara was not seeing in Hitler the hero who created the new myth, the story that supplants the Christian one. Michael was simply unable to see the greatness of the Third Reich. Among Americans only George Lincoln Rockwell, after he finished reading Mein Kampf, saw that Hitlerism was a new religion. William Pierce got off to a good start, calling Hitler ‘our leader’ in National Socialist World in 1968. But then he got carried away by the American way and, instead of using the swastika for the new religion he wanted to create after Rockwell’s assassination, he devised another symbol (which nobody uses anymore).

The tremendous mistake I see here is that the American population cannot make contact with a higher archetype, as the Germans of the last century did. Americans are not the chosen people to create the new religion because their materialistic culture is completely uprooted from the history of their race, so well described by Pierce himself in Who We Are.

Yesterday I said that what is called history must be rewritten since, if it came from the pen of Christians or neochristians, the only value that history books can provide is raw material that must be relocated in the numinous context of the fourteen words.

To give just one example. Recall what I have made of the work of Karlheinz Deschner, his criminal history of Christianity. Although the late Deschner was antichristian, his scale of values was clearly liberal, that is, neochristian: a pseudo-apostate to use my neologism. Deschner’s encyclopaedic knowledge had to be appropriated to turn his legacy around our point of view: the POV of the transvalued man. And the same must be done with the rest of the other historians.

Yesterday I also said that what galvanised men in National Socialism were its marches and events in the streets. From this angle, the only thing that imitated them well, other than Rockwell when I was a kid, was the Charlottesville event three years ago. However, regardless of whether the government ambushed those who demonstrated, the demonstration was schizophrenic because of the American flags they carried. It is as if the Nazis of yore had carried the symbols of the degenerate Weimar Republic on their marches instead of coming up with a new flag.

That the racialist movement that raises the American flag is schizophrenic is seen in its inability to realise that, with its three anti-white wars—the 1860s, the 1940s, and today’s cold war that is already turning hot—the United States has become Mordor, and that using its symbols is mind splitting.

As far as I know, the only contemporary racialist who has understood that you have to hate the US to save the Anglo-German DNA is the Canadian Sebastian Ernst Ronin. Even at that Rockwell failed when trying to mix the swastika with the stars and stripes flag. Don’t be fooled, white nationalists: Since the United States was founded as a worshiping nation of Mammon and the god of the Jews, it is unreformable. The United States can only be repudiated and put an entirely different political animal in its place.

If the American racialist movement were not charlatanic, its proponents would not only begin to rewrite history from Who We Are, but reject both materialistic comfort and Yahweh. They would also begin to learn Germanic languages and would even try to change their American accent to how it sounded in England in Jane Austen’s time. Furthermore, after the Revolution bonfires would burn the books of accepted wisdom, including Bibles, degenerate music and Hollywood movies; in addition to the destruction of churches and the public lynching of those who oppose it.

Mount Rushmore will be nuked and another American mountain will boast colossal granite sculptures representing Leonidas, Hermann, Hitler and that of the new American messiah who led the racial revolution (a man whose name we still ignore).

For the transvaluation of all Christian values to Greco-Roman values to be complete, public opinion won’t give a damn if, instead of nymphs, one or two generals of the ethnostate have had ephebes as cute as Björn Andrésen or Max Born when he was a teenager. (On the other hand, having sex between same-sex adults will be frowned upon as it was frowned upon in Greece and Rome.)

Since that’s impossible given the level of the inflated ego in today’s American nationalist, only a convergence of catastrophes that kills vast numbers of whites around the world will straighten the ways of survivors.

Now that I saw the title of the latest article of The Occidental Observer I couldn’t contain the feeling of what O’Meara said about bookworms and computer hobbyists compared to the heroes we need, including the new messiah whose name we ignore. Without soldiers and transvalued heroes the academy is useless. In other words, the first rightful steps were made in Charlottesville, not in the pieces that Kevin MacDonald publishes. Now we would have to do the same but without the enemy flag, devising a swastika flag for American consumption.

But demonstrating in the streets will be impossible as long as Uncle Sam lives. If the US government didn’t exist, whites would easily win a war against BLM and (((those who finance it))). But killing Sam will be impossible as long as Christians and neochristians dominate both conservatism and white nationalism itself. Without infinite hatred there is no revolution. And with the psychic toll that Christianity bequeathed to us, there will be no place for infinite hatred.

Curiously, American racialists have already heard about the keys to save the race in both Who We Are (transvalued academy as opposed to KMD’s neochristian academy) and The Turner Diaries (bloodthirsty soldiers). But they follow a different path because they insist on being slaves of parental and societal introjects, including the enemy flag.

Although white advocates acknowledge that Jews hate, they are unable to link the info between two elemental neurons and imitate them. Being children of the Christian and liberal ethos they really believe, even many secularised racists, that we should solve our problems without violating the command to love our neighbour. Otherwise they would have already amalgamated their selves with the spirit of the Diaries.

Mine is constructive criticism of white nationalism insofar, unlike destructive criticism, I point out the way that could potentially save them.