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Category: Liberalism

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Liberalism, 12

1920s

At the beginning of the 20th century, liberalism was on the ascendant. The bastion of autocracy, the Russian czar, was overthrown in the liberal revolution of February 1917 and the Allied victory in the First World War and the collapse of four empires seemed to mark the triumph of liberalism across the European continent, not just among the victorious allies, but also in Germany and the newly created states of Eastern Europe.

dead German soldierMilitarism, as typified by Germany, was defeated and discredited. The liberal themes were ascendant in terms of cultural pluralism, religious and ethnic toleration, national self-determination, free-market economics, representative and responsible government, free trade, unionism, and the peaceful settlement of international disputes through a new body, the League of Nations.

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Liberalism, 11

Social liberalism

By the end of the nineteenth century, the principles of classical liberalism were being increasingly challenged by downturns in economic growth, a growing perception of the evils of poverty, unemployment and relative deprivation present within modern industrial cities, and the agitation of organized labor. The ideal of the self-made individual, who through hard work and talent could make his or her place in the world, seemed increasingly implausible.

A major political reaction against the changes introduced by industrialization and laissez-faire capitalism came from conservatives concerned about social balance, although socialism later became a more important force for change and reform. Some Victorian writers—including Charles Dickens, Thomas Carlyle, and Matthew Arnold—became early influential critics of social injustice.

Stuart_Mill_G_F_Watts

John Stuart Mill contributed enormously to liberal thought by combining elements of classical liberalism with what eventually became known as the new liberalism. Mill’s 1859 On Liberty addressed the nature and limits of the power that can be legitimately exercised by society over the individual. He gave an impassioned defense of free speech, arguing that free discourse is a necessary condition for intellectual and social progress. Mill defined “social liberty” as protection from “the tyranny of political rulers.” He introduced a number of different concepts of the form tyranny can take, referred to as social tyranny, and tyranny of the majority respectively. Social liberty meant limits on the ruler’s power through obtaining recognition of political liberties or rights and by the establishment of a system of “constitutional checks.”

However, although Mill’s initial economic philosophy supported free markets and argued that progressive taxation penalized those who worked harder, he later altered his views toward a more socialist bent, adding chapters to his Principles of Political Economy in defense of a socialist outlook, and defending some socialist causes, including the radical proposal that the whole wage system be abolished in favor of a co-operative wage system.

Another early liberal convert to greater government intervention was Thomas Hill Green. Green regarded the national state as legitimate only to the extent that it upholds a system of rights and obligations that is most likely to foster individual self-realization.

This strand began to coalesce into the social liberalism movement at the turn of the twentieth century in Britain. The New Liberals, which included intellectuals like L.T. Hobhouse, and John A. Hobson, saw individual liberty as something achievable only under favorable social and economic circumstances. In their view, the poverty, squalor, and ignorance in which many people lived made it impossible for freedom and individuality to flourish. New Liberals believed that these conditions could be ameliorated only through collective action coordinated by a strong, welfare-oriented, and interventionist state.

The People’s Budget of 1909, championed by David Lloyd George and fellow liberal Winston Churchill, introduced unprecedented taxes on the wealthy in Britain and radical social welfare programs to the country’s policies. It was the first budget with the expressed intent of redistributing wealth among the public.

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Liberalism, 10

Spread of liberalism

Abolitionist and suffrage movements spread, along with representative and democratic ideals. France established an enduring republic in the 1870s, and wars in the United States ensured the formation of a nation and the abolition of slavery in the south. Meanwhile, a mixture of liberal and nationalist sentiment in Italy and Germany brought about the unification of the two countries in the late 19th century. Liberal agitation in Latin America led to independence from the imperial power of Spain and Portugal.

In France, the July Revolution of 1830, orchestrated by liberal politicians and journalists, removed the Bourbon monarchy and inspired similar uprisings elsewhere in Europe. Frustration with the pace of political progress in the early 19th century sparked even more gigantic revolutions in 1848. Revolutions spread throughout the Austrian Empire, the German states, and the Italian states. Governments fell rapidly. Liberal nationalists demanded written constitutions, representative assemblies, greater suffrage rights, and freedom of the press. A second republic was proclaimed in France. Serfdom was abolished in Prussia, Galicia, Bohemia, and Hungary. The indomitable Metternich, the Austrian builder of the reigning conservative order, shocked Europe when he resigned and fled to Britain in panic and disguise.

eugne-delacroix

(The iconic painting Liberty Leading the People by Eugène Delacroix, a tableau of the July Revolution of 1830.)
 
Eventually, however, the success of the revolutionaries petered out. Without French help, the Italians were easily defeated by the Austrians. With some luck and skill, Austria also managed to contain the bubbling nationalist sentiments in Germany and Hungary, helped along by the failure of the Frankfurt Assembly to unify the German states into a single nation. Two decades later, however, the Italians and the Germans fulfilled their dreams for unification and independence.

The Sardinian Prime Minister, Camillo di Cavour, was a shrewd liberal who understood that the only effective way for the Italians to gain independence was if the French were on their side. Napoleon III agreed to Cavour’s request for assistance and France defeated Austria in the Franco-Austrian War of 1859, setting the stage for Italian independence.

German unification transpired under the leadership of Otto von Bismarck, who decimated the enemies of Prussia in war after war, finally triumphing against France in 1871 and proclaiming the German Empire in the Hall of Mirrors at Versailles, ending another saga in the drive for nationalization. The French proclaimed a third republic after their loss in the war.

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Liberalism, 9

Classical liberalism

The development into maturity of classical liberalism took place before and after the French Revolution in Britain, and was based on the following core concepts: classical economics, free trade, laissez-faire government with minimal intervention and taxation and a balanced budget. Classical liberals were committed to individualism, liberty and equal rights. The primary intellectual influences on 19th century liberal trends were those of Adam Smith and the classical economists, and Jeremy Bentham and John Stuart Mill.

adam-smith

Adam Smith’s The Wealth of Nations, published in 1776, was to provide most of the ideas of economics, at least until the publication of J. S. Mill’s Principles in 1848. Smith addressed the motivation for economic activity, the causes of prices and the distribution of wealth, and the policies the state should follow in order to maximize wealth.

Smith wrote that as long as supply, demand, prices, and competition were left free of government regulation, the pursuit of material self-interest, rather than altruism, would maximize the wealth of a society through profit-driven production of goods and services. An “invisible hand” directed individuals and firms to work toward the nation’s good as an unintended consequence of efforts to maximize their own gain. This provided a moral justification for the accumulation of wealth, which had previously been viewed by some as sinful.

His main emphasis was on the benefit of free internal and international trade, which he thought could increase wealth through specialization in production. He also opposed restrictive trade preferences, state grants of monopolies, and employers’ organizations and trade unions. Government should be limited to defense, public works and the administration of justice, financed by taxes based on income. Smith was one of the progenitors of the idea, which was long central to classical liberalism and has resurfaced in the globalization literature of the later 20th and early 21st centuries, that free trade promotes peace.

Jeremy_Bentham

Utilitarianism provided the political justification for the implementation of economic liberalism by British governments, which was to dominate economic policy from the 1830s. Although utilitarianism prompted legislative and administrative reform and John Stuart Mill’s later writings on the subject foreshadowed the welfare state, it was mainly used as a justification for laissez-faire. The central concept of utilitarianism, which was developed by Jeremy Bentham, was that public policy should seek to provide “the greatest happiness of the greatest number”. While this could be interpreted as a justification for state action to reduce poverty, it was used by classical liberals to justify inaction with the argument that the net benefit to all individuals would be higher. His philosophy proved to be extremely influential on government policy and led to increased Benthamite attempts at government social control, including Robert Peel’s Metropolitan Police, prison reforms, the workhouses and asylums for the mentally ill.

The repeal of the Corn Laws in 1846 was a watershed moment and encapsulated the triumph of free trade and liberal economics. The Anti-Corn Law League brought together a coalition of liberal and radical groups in support of free trade under the leadership of Richard Cobden and John Bright, who opposed militarism and public expenditure. Their policies of low public expenditure and low taxation were later adopted by the liberal chancellor of the exchequer and later prime minister, William Ewart Gladstone. Although British classical liberals aspired to a minimum of state activity, the passage of the Factory Acts in the early 19th century which involved government interference in the economy met with their approval.

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Liberalism, 8

Radicalism

The radical liberal movement began in the 1790s in England and concentrated on parliamentary and electoral reform, emphasizing natural rights and popular sovereignty. Thomas Paine’s The Rights of Man (1791) was a response to Burke’s conservative essay Reflections on the Revolution in France.

paines-bookAn ensuing revolution controversy featured, among others, Mary Wollstonecraft, who followed with an early feminist tract, A Vindication of the Rights of Woman. Radicals encouraged mass support for democratic reform along with rejection of the monarchy, aristocracy, and all forms of privilege.

The Reform Act 1832 was put through with the support of public outcry, mass meetings of “political unions” and riots in some cities. This now enfranchised the middle classes, but failed to meet radical demands. Following the Reform Act the mainly aristocratic Whigs in the House of Commons were joined by a small number of parliamentary Radicals, as well as an increased number of middle class Whigs. By 1839 they were informally being called “the Liberal party.”

The Liberals produced one of the most influential British prime ministers, William Gladstone, who was also known as the Grand Old Man: the towering political figure of liberalism in the 19th century. Under Gladstone, the Liberals reformed education, disestablished the Church of Ireland, and introduced the secret ballot for local and parliamentary elections.

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Liberalism, 7

The French Revolution

Historians widely regard the French Revolution as one of the most important events in history. The Revolution is often seen as marking the “dawn of the modern era,” and its convulsions are widely associated with “the triumph of liberalism.”

The French Revolution began in 1789 with the convocation of the Estates-General in May. The first year of the Revolution witnessed members of the Third Estate proclaiming the Tennis Court Oath in June, the Storming of the Bastille in July.

bloody_frenchThe two key events that marked the triumph of liberalism were the Abolition of feudalism in France on the night of 4 August 1789, which marked the collapse of feudal and old traditional rights and privileges and restrictions, and the passage of the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen in August. The rise of Napoleon as dictator in 1799 heralded a reverse of many of the republican and democratic gains. However, Napoleon did not restore the Ancien Régime. He kept much of the liberalism and imposed a liberal code of law, the Code Napoleon.

Outside France the Revolution had a major impact and its ideas became widespread. Furthermore, the French armies in the 1790s and 1800s directly overthrew feudal remains in much of western Europe. They liberalized property laws, ended seigneurial dues, abolished the guild of merchants and craftsmen to facilitate entrepreneurship, legalized divorce, and closed the Jewish ghettos. The Inquisition ended as did the Holy Roman Empire. The power of church courts and religious authority was sharply reduced, and equality under the law was proclaimed for all men.

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Liberalism, 6

The American Revolution

Political tension between England and its American colonies grew after 1765 over the issue of taxation without representation, culminating in the Declaration of Independence of a new republic.

The Declaration of Independence, written by Thomas Jefferson, echoed Locke: “We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, and are endowed by their creator with certain unalienable rights, that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness”.

Declaration_independence

After the war, the leaders debated about how to move forward. The Articles of Confederation, written in 1776, now appeared inadequate to provide security, or even a functional government. The Confederation Congress called a Constitutional Convention in 1787 to write a new Constitution of the United States.

In the context of the times, the Constitution was a republican and liberal document. It established a strong national government with clear separation of the executive, the legislative, and the judicial. The first ten amendments to the constitution, known as the United States Bill of Rights, guaranteed some of the natural rights liberal thinkers used to justify the Revolution.

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Liberalism, 5

Era of enlightenment

The development of liberalism continued throughout the 18th century with the burgeoning Enlightenment ideals of the era. This was a period of profound intellectual vitality that questioned old traditions and influenced several European monarchies throughout the 18th century. In contrast to England, the French experience in the 18th century was characterized by the perpetuation of feudal payments and rights and absolutism. Ideas that challenged the status quo were often harshly repressed. Most of the philosophes of the French Enlightenment were progressive in the liberal sense and advocated the reform of the French system of government along more constitutional and liberal lines.

Montesquieu

Baron de Montesquieu wrote a series of highly influential works in the early 18th century, including Persian Letters (1717) and The Spirit of the Laws (1748). The latter exerted tremendous influence, both inside and outside of France.

Montesquieu pleaded in favor of a constitutional system of government, the preservation of civil liberties and the law, and the idea that political institutions ought to reflect the social and geographical aspects of each community. In particular, he argued that political liberty required the separation of the powers of government.

Building on John Locke’s Second Treatise of Government, he advocated that the executive, legislative, and judicial functions of government should be assigned to different bodies. He also emphasized the importance of a robust due process in law, including the right to a fair trial, the presumption of innocence and proportionality in the severity of punishment.

Another important figure of the French Enlightenment was Voltaire. Initially believing in the constructive role an enlightened monarch could play in improving the welfare of the people, he eventually came to a new conclusion: “It is up to us to cultivate our garden”. His most polemical and ferocious attacks on intolerance and religious persecutions began to appear a few years later. Despite much persecution, Voltaire remained a courageous polemicist who indefatigably fought for civil rights—the right to a fair trial and freedom of religion—and who denounced the hypocrisies and injustices of the Ancien Régime.

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Liberalism, 4

The Glorious Revolution

The impact of these ideas steadily increased during the 17th century in England, culminating in the Glorious Revolution of 1688 which enshrined parliamentary sovereignty and the right of revolution, and led to the establishment of what many consider the first modern, liberal state.

Significant legislative milestones in this period included the Habeas Corpus Act of 1679 which strengthened the convention that forbade detention lacking sufficient cause or evidence.

bill-rights

The Bill of Rights (photo left) formally established the supremacy of the law and of parliament over the monarch and laid down basic rights for all Englishmen. The Bill made royal interference with the law and with elections to parliament illegal, made the agreement of parliament necessary for the implementation of any new taxes and outlawed the maintenance of a standing army during peacetime without parliament’s consent. The right to petition the monarch was granted to everyone and “cruel and unusual punishments” were made illegal under all circumstances.

This was followed a year later with the Act of Toleration, which drew its ideological content from John Locke’s four letters advocating religious toleration. The Act allowed freedom of worship to Nonconformists who pledged oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy to the Anglican Church. In 1695, the Commons refused to renew the Licensing of the Press Act 1662, leading to a continuous period of unprecedented freedom of the press.

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Truth, heresy, and heroes

by Christian Miller



White identity politics is a form of heresy, and heresy has grave consequences. Advocating White nationalism or merely defending White interests often results in a loss of social standing. Moral cowards, amoral sycophants, and racial traitors are rewarded while heroes and righteous guardians are demonized. Pretending that Whites are social constructs or have no legitimate interests to defend is accepted, even celebrated, in a society infested with anti-White multiculturalism. White racialists realize that the cornucopia of cultures is designed to exclude any White culture, and the future rainbow of races is actually a muddled mess of miscegenation. It is therefore a tremendous challenge to remain in steadfast support of the White extended genotype. The anti-White opposition is well-funded, well-organized, malicious, and persistent.

White advocacy is beset on all sides. Campaigning against White genocide attracts derision and scorn from anti-Whites. Lamenting the decline of the White population into minority status is attacked as intolerance. Merely calling attention to, let alone denouncing, the maliciously disproportionate amounts of violent interracial crime committed against White people is paradoxically described as hate. Protecting the continuity of family lineage by expecting exclusively White marriages and White procreation is seen as backwards, provincial, or outdated. Suggesting that many trends or ideas that harm White interests have been disproportionately created, organized, disseminated, or financed by Jewish interests can lead to accusations of insanity or mental instability.

This derision, scorn, and accusations of intolerance, hate, and insanity are reactions that require White nationalists to have a thick skin in order to maintain their viewpoints. It is hard to be a heretic. But the requisite resilience to carry forward is about more than insensitivity to insults or threats. It is inspired by the love of truth. White racialists know that race is real and that it has important consequences for civilization and ethnic genetic interests. White nationalists realize they are being systematically dispossessed and ethnically cleansed from their homelands. Defenders of White identity understand that there is nothing hateful or unhealthy about wanting to continue their heritage by having White babies in White societies.

The steely resolution that guides a White nationalist is a personality trait or perhaps a spiritual constitution that values eternal truth more than ephemeral social standing. A patriotic White man understands that truth can be directly opposed to popular opinion, and that such a situation is not without historical precedent. An exemplary White man is willing to act in accordance with that wisdom. A heroic White man can marshal these convictions into effective action and change the dynamics of society. The White race is in desperate need of more heroes.

White people are known to be more individualistic than other races. In a White-dominant society, free from ethnic or racial competition from non-White groups, this individualism helped propel White people beyond the established limits of science, technology, philosophy, and religion. The individualist refusal to conform to the “popular consensus”—which always opposes scientific breakthroughs or heretical ideas—is precisely why so many White historical figures persist within the collective memory as titans of Western civilization. Nobody remembers a conformist, but everybody remembers a successful catalyst of righteous revolution. The reward for success in such a struggle is immortal fame. How could it be any other way?

Why would anyone remember Galileo Galilee if he were not individualistic and self-assured enough to confront the ruling dogma of a geocentric universe? Whose bookshelf would carry the works of Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn if he decided to bow his head to Soviet oppression because speaking out was not worth going to the gulag? Who could call themselves Protestant if Martin Luther lacked the courage and conviction to stand before the Catholic Church and criticize it without fear? All of these White men had radical ideas that stood directly against the ruling orthodoxies of their societies. These men would be scattered to the winds of time had they not found everlasting fame by tenaciously promoting important ideas despite intense societal opposition. These were all rebels with a cause, and that cause was truth. Truth is heresy before it is accepted as truth, so all of these men were once called heretics.

White nationalists face similar pressures because being pro-White is heresy in modern America. Professors will express hostility to ideas about White interests, and this may translate to lowered grades or a denial of tenure in the academic world. Employers often terminate workers who openly defend the civil rights of Whites in their private lives. Former friends may cut ties when they sense the imminent risks to social standing that follow from associating with a racially-conscious White person. Sometimes even immediate family members will choose material security and peer-group acceptance rather than support a relative who is protecting the entire extended family. Heresy has social consequences, as Galileo, Solzhenitsyn, and Luther knew all too well.

Galileo_before_the_Holy_Office
 
“Racist!” is the modern equivalent of “heretic!” Words like “intolerance” and “hate” are used as shibboleths to shout down dissension and preclude debate. The words have changed, but the methods of social ostracism remain the same. Cry “heretic!” or its equivalent, and let the crowd take care of the rest.

History is replete with examples of entrenched orthodoxy stultifying new ways of thinking in an oppressive manner. In more primitive times, the mystical shamans or oracles consulted with the gods in order to divine wisdom for tribal consumption. To deny the oracle’s wisdom, or to suggest the shaman was merely influenced by psychotropic drugs, was grounds for ostracism from the tribe. Only a heretic would oppose the dominant spiritual class because it was social suicide.

Skip forward thousands of years. Oracles and shamans became priests. The mystical priests consulted with God and the Bible in order to divine wisdom for public consumption. To deny the priests’ monopoly on the word of God, or to suggest they were power-hungry sycophants, was grounds for excommunication from the Church and society—a lesson Martin Luther learned the hard way. The charge of heresy was used to preclude reasonable debate, just as racism or anti-Semite is used today.

The modern ruling orthodoxy follows political correctness—the anti-White bastard child of Cultural Marxism. Nietzsche declared the death of God, but nature abhors a vacuum. In His place, the elite cabals in academia, finance, media, and politics erected a new totem pole to worship and venerate. Whether it is called liberalism, egalitarianism, Cultural Marxism, multiculturalism, or diversity, the dynamics of enforcing this untenable, genocidal, and anti-White worldview remain the same: ridicule, isolation, defamation, prosecution, ostracism, or humiliation— but never open debate. Heresy is not to be debated.

While most of humanity has evolved beyond burning heretics at the stake or performing ritual human sacrifice, the same procedural thought control remains, consistently corrupting and subverting impressionable White minds. Anyone who denies the existence of ritual sacrifice is not looking closely enough. If an influential figure violates the dogma of multiculturalism, the gatekeepers will quickly close ranks. Instead of ominous tribal drumbeats, the background music will be cries of “racist!” or “hater!” or “anti-Semite!” as the eager executioners prepare the sacrificial altar. Instead of carving out the heretic’s heart, the mainstream media and its supporters will try to ruin the heretic’s reputation as he is defamed as an intolerant, hateful, and bigoted person.

Public persecution of heretics persists in the modern age. Remember that the public sacrifice is also a warning. It is a powerful message to the rest of the group: heresy has serious consequences.

Unfortunately, the heretical path of White nationalism, White identity, and White interests is a narrow one. The trailblazers of the movement must deal with the prickly thorns, rough terrain, and back-breaking labor needed to clear the brush so others may be enticed to follow. At this stage, it is inevitable that some people will sever social connections with a pro-White person once the nationalist motivations are made clear. It seems strange that these same people would gladly continue the friendship, or express glowing admiration, if the cause at issue concerned the rights of any other racial group except for White people. This promiscuous out-group altruism is at the height of absurdity when an ostensibly White person rejects the company of another White person who advances both of their shared interests. But this is the reality of anti-White multiculturalism. The perverted ideas that have poisoned American discourse are designed to marginalize, ostracize, and demonize any remaining White person who dares to stand against the rolling tide of White dispossession.

What keeps a White nationalist from throwing in the towel? Why trudge on, when the road ahead is uphill and laden with obstacles at every turn? Beyond an undying love for one’s people, it is the same determination that drove Henry Ford to publicize Jewish subversion in the Dearborn Independent despite the imminent threat it posed to his financial interests. It is the same zeal for truth and liberty that compelled Thomas Jefferson to pen the Declaration of Independence.

The same love for truth burns in the heart of every White nationalist, and no amount of social pressure, slander, or temporary isolation is enough to extinguish the flame. The fuel source is the righteous indignation that arises when one man recognizes a cosmic injustice and is willing to fight through Hell to rectify it. The temptation of capitulation is great, the course of retreat is enticing, and the punishment for having the gall to continue is severe, but the footprints of so many great men of the past are enough to inspire forward progress. Spiritual man values virtue infinitely more so than material comfort or fleeting adoration from those not worthy to provide it. Patrick Henry confirmed his status as a spiritual man when he thundered his revolutionary call-to-arms to the Virginia House of Burgesses: “give me Liberty or give me Death!”

The movement for White identity and White interests needs more spiritual men. This is not intended to be a criticism of capitalism, profits, or material success. White nationalism needs donors, financiers, talented businessmen, and creative capitalists. But it is an inescapable conclusion that defending White people is not a get-rich-quick scheme, and it is not guaranteed to win more friends than enemies in the short term. Arthur Schopenhauer said “All truth passes through three stages. First, it is ridiculed. Second, it is violently opposed. Finally, it is accepted as being self-evident.” White identity politics is somewhere between ridicule and violent opposition. The goal is to move towards Schopenhauer’s third stage. It will not be easy.

White nationalism is not for the weak, the timid, the gullible, or the emotionally dependent—instead, these attributes describe the demoralized and deracinated White person. The strong have always helped the weak; right now, the White race is in a position of weakness. Those who have not fallen under the spell of White guilt must reawaken their White brothers and sisters. Those who have looked beyond the horizon and gazed upon the possibility of White extinction must warn the unenlightened about the reality of White genocide. Those who value truth and who retain a healthy sense of White pride and White identity must shoulder the burden for the rest of the group who have been robbed of their heritage.

Leadership, integrity, persuasive ability, organizational skills, and inspirational ideas are sorely needed in the White nationalist movement. The genetic capacity to express these skills and traits has not been lost—yet. The potential remains within the White genotype, whether expressed or dormant, waiting to be expressed in the next familial iteration. Preserve that potential as an irreplaceable treasure. Remember that the spirit of conquest, scientific discovery, opposition to tyranny, bravery in the face of adversity, and most importantly, unshakeable determination in the pursuit of truth are all fundamental aspects of White genetic and historical heritage. The same individualism that has been cruelly exploited to disenfranchise Whites in the midst of hostile minorities can be redirected to fight against the injustice of White dispossession.

The inherently White characteristic of Western individualism can be rescued from its current subversion and redirected towards the improvement of White society. There was a time, not so long ago, when protecting the White race, the White nation, the White village, or the White family was a heroic and virtuous act to be celebrated, rather than a reason to be called a “racist.” This spirit of brotherhood, kin, and race has not been completely extinguished from the White population.

The task ahead is to awaken the yearning for truth, focused determination, sense of justice, ethnic identity, and iron will that resides within the White race. Part of the struggle is to destroy taboos and transform heresy to accepted truth. When that day comes, the titans will stand up, yawn, and throw off the shackles of anti-White multiculturalism with an effortless shrug of the shoulders. Charges of heresy will be ignored and fade away. Unencumbered and emancipated, the White race will continue its eternal march throughout history, breaking philosophical barriers, reaching higher plateaus of health and virility, discovering profound scientific truths, inventing exciting new technologies, and achieving greater zeniths of civilization. Who will lead the charge?