Indented paragraphs are taken from Who We Are by William Pierce:
The four centuries between the Dorian invasion and the flowering of the literate Classical civilization are referred to by most historians as “the Dark Age,” for much the same reasons that the period between the fall of Rome, more than fifteen centuries later, and the flowering of Mediaeval civilization is also called “the Dark Ages.”
In both cases a people of an older civilization, who had begun to succumb to racial mixing and decadence, was overwhelmed by a more vigorous and racially healthier but culturally less advanced people from the north. And in both cases a period of gestation took place over a dozen generations or so, during which a synthesis of old and new elements, racial and cultural, occurred, before a new and different civilization arose from the ruins of the old.
Unfortunately, most historians tacitly assume that the records of political and cultural activity which have come down to us from periods of civilized literacy provide all the data needed to yield an understanding of the historical process. The state of development and degree of organization and complexity of city life are taken as a yardstick by which to evaluate the significance or historical importance of a particular period. And if one’s standards of value are geared to such things as the volume of commerce, the gross national product, or even the intensity of scientific, literary, and artistic activity, such a yardstick may seem, at first glance, to be proper.
But there are other standards of value, such as those of the National Alliance, which differ somewhat from the customary ones. For it is not in the external forms of organization and activity of a people that we see the most important criteria for making a judgment as to the significance of a particular period, but rather in the actual racial constitution of a people and in the dynamic processes which, for better or worse, are influencing that racial constitution.
Unfortunately, those are not the standards of white nationalists. For instance, it is common among anti-nordicist WNsts to use the card of the Iberian conquests of the 16th century and the Iberian colonisation in the following centuries as proof that Iberians were equal to the English—completely ignoring the fact that in those centuries Iberians were polluting their blood both in the Americas and in the peninsula itself; in the case of Portugal, even with Negroes.
Although the basic racial constitution of a people is always intimately related to that people’s achievements in commerce, science, industry, art, politics, and warfare, still the two sets of criteria can lead to fundamentally different evaluations of a given historical period. This is a consequence of the fact that race building and decay are usually strongly out of phase with civilization building and decay.
Thus, the long ages between the periods of maximum civil activity—ages which the historian customarily ignores as being of only slight importance—may very well be periods of the greatest interest from a standpoint of racial dynamics.
It is, of course, true that the periods of maximum civil activity are precisely those which yield a maximum of written records, artifacts, and the other raw materials from which the historian builds his tale. But relative abundance of evidence should not be interpreted as equivalent to relative historical significance, regardless of the historian’s value criteria.
The record of the rise and fall of pure races constitutes the primary history of mankind, and the rise and fall of civilizations occupy a place of secondary importance. This statement may seem self-evident to those already accustomed to looking at history from a racial viewpoint, but it is by no means generally accepted by historians today. Until it is, much historical writing will continue to be flawed in a fundamental way.
This meta-perspective radically changed my normie POV of History. Now I see that the Early Middle Ages (or early medieval period), lasting from the 5th to the 10th century CE, is pivotal to understand Europe. 
Without the Raven’s powers of retro-cognition and his chapters on Greece and Rome, it would never have occurred to me that the periods when the race is consolidating in its purity are the fertile ground on which the best Aryan culture will grow. It is enough to compare English-speaking countries in this continent with those speaking Spanish and Portuguese to prove it. (Unlike ignorant white nationalists I don’t use “North America” because this term, in fact, includes Mexico.)
Something similar could be said about Europe. The anti-nordicism among many white nationalists is so religiously blind that they have not even been able to assimilate the genetic catastrophe that happened in Portugal. Anti-nordicism is one of the many reasons why I believe that white nationalism must die in the United States in the pursuit of a new religion for whites that embraces the ideals of German National Socialism.
Changing the subject, on Skype I have discussed with my friends about the Nazi symbols. Correct me if I am wrong: but it seems to me that you do not believe that we should use the symbols of the Germans of the last century.
My answer is that the swastika is a universal symbol for the Aryan race. Why not create a pro-white movement on both sides of the Atlantic using flags with the colours of the flag of each nation? From this angle, the swastika flag of American nationalists will include red, blue and white—in contrast to red, black and white in the flag that Hitler devised.
Note: The above quotations of Pierce’s book are contextualized in The Fair Race’s Darkest Hour (available: here). If life permits, next Tuesday I will comment on another passage from the same visionary chapter on Greece coming from the pen of the American Raven.
