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Tag: Adolf Hitler

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Exterminationism Jesus New Testament On the Historicity of Jesus (book) Richard Carrier

Jesus – triple homonym

The impossibility of speaking with normies about Hitler lies in the fact that the word ‘Hitler’ is, in reality, a double homonym. When we use it we refer to the ‘historical Hitler’ (cf. David Irving’s books). The normie, on the other hand, believes in the ‘Hitler of dogma’: a propaganda figure created by Anglo-Americans and Jews after World War II to demoralise the Aryan. One need only glance at the book I quoted in my previous post to realise that the Hitler of dogma never existed.

This is best illustrated by the figure through whom our civilisation betrayed itself: Jesus of Nazareth. But here we encounter not a double but a triple homonym!

For the ordinary Christian, Jesus rose from the dead. To the ordinary secular man, Jesus was a mortal whose ethical system, despite the mythical miracles attributed to him, remains exemplary. But to the priest of sacred words Jesus not only didn’t exist. The ethical system sold to us by the imaginative writer who created this fictional character, the evangelist Mark, was the apple of discord whose ingestion brought about the downfall not only of the Roman Empire, but of the white race. (Remember that, according to Jung, an archetype can literally take possession of human souls. If I could relaunch Daybreak Press, I would publish another book collecting several entries on the Christian question.)

If the word ‘Hitler’ is a double homonym, from this angle the word ‘Jesus’ is a triple homonym in the sense that the word ‘bank’ is also a triple homonym: it can mean (1) a financial institution, (2) land at river’s edge, or (3) a panel in the sense, for example, that ‘the bank of switches for controlling the lighting is over there’.

Let’s now imagine a room with three men: a traditional Christian, a secular humanist and a priest of the sacred words. Common sense might lead us to believe that both the atheist and I could team up against the Christian. But this is not so. The Christian and the atheist will team up against me as soon as they learn that, in my scale of values, exterminationism à la Turner Diaries are the new tablets of law. And it is exactly at this point that we see that the expression ‘secular Christian’ or ‘neochristian’ is most apt to refer to today’s ‘atheists’.

Pre-Christian Aryans would have gladly used technological weapons of mass destruction to exterminate their enemies. It was Christian ethics that inculcated the notion of the sanctity of human life. An example from the country where I live will exemplify this.

In the summer of 1990, shortly after the fall of the Berlin Wall and a few months before the dissolution of the USSR, an extraordinary event took place in Mexico City: intellectuals from all over the world gathered to talk about it. I was following them closely, although at the time I was a normie of the secular humanist type. A few years ago, in the comments section of The Occidental Observer, I put the list of the participants in the various panel discussions at that event, which lasted a couple of weeks, but there is no need to put it here. Suffice it to say that, at the panel discussion ‘Nationalist and religious tensions’, the Mexican Octavio Paz—a secular humanist who would go on to win that year’s Nobel Prize for literature—concluded the discussion with these words (my translation):

We owe religions the inquisitors, we owe them many wars, we owe them many crimes, crusades, human sacrifices. But we also owe them essential things that we cannot renounce: for example Christ, for example Buddha. Thank you. [see YouTube clip: here]

Octavio Paz (1914-1998), who had repudiated his mother’s Catholicism at an early age, was in fact a typical neochristian. If it were possible to locate the three men of our example geographically, the Christian and the atheist would be almost side by side. The real eccentric would be the priest of the sacred words, who would be far removed from the Christian and the atheist insofar as the scale of values is concerned. (I am more like the Romans who left no stone unturned of the Semitic civilisation of Carthage than like the secular whites who are still under the spell of the Jesus archetype.)

There is indeed a gulf not only in believing that Jesus didn’t exist, but—contra Paz & secular company—in openly proclaiming that the message of this mythical ‘Christ’ is pure poison for the fourteen words: a psyop by Mark and his Semitic followers Matthew, Luke and eventually John, to brainwash the white man.

Although Richard Carrier is, like Octavio Paz, a typical neochristian, to racially conscious conservatives who still cling to the religion of their parents I suggest that they, at least, read the Amazon Books starred reviews of On the Historicity of Jesus.

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Heinrich Himmler Souvenirs et réflexions d'une aryenne (book)

Reflections of an Aryan woman, 72

Hitler also admired the great Hohenstaufen emperors, especially Frederick Barbarossa, the one who should come back and who had come back in him (alas, for a short time!), and Frederick II, Stupor Mundi (Wonder of the World) in whom so many of his contemporaries had thought they saw the Antichrist—as men nowadays, blinded by propaganda, see in the founder of the Third Reich the embodiment of evil. He admired Frederick II of Prussia, Bismark, and all those in whom the conquering spirit of the German people had found expression, whose cultural mission—and much more than cultural—he didn’t doubt about.

And Heinrich Himmler himself, while paying a brilliant tribute to the Saxon warriors, martyrs of the ancient national faith in Verden in the year 782 of the Foreign God, professed a veritable adoration of Emperor Henry I and exalted the Knights of the Teutonic Order—not because they had brutally forced the Slavs (and eventually the Prussians[1]) to accept Christianity, but because they had, by the sword, ‘prepared the way for the German plough’, making possible the German colonisation of vast territories in the east.
 

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Editor’s Note: Given that in 1930s Germany no one could suspect that if Germany waged and lost the war all the whites of the world would go into an ethnosuicidal zeitgeist (cf. what I wrote yesterday), Himmler’s sympathy for the Teutonic Knights is understandable.

One of the reasons I have become so passionate about Savitri’s post-1945 texts is that the innocence of pre-1945 NS men, including Hitler and Himmler, should no longer be maintained. It is now clear that the quote on the sidebar (‘1945 was the year of the total inversion of Aryan values into Christian values’) reflects the tragedy of the West. And the only way to save the white race is to settle accounts with Judeo-Christianity, and thus with how we write history about Charlemagne and the Teutonic Knights.

If we hadn’t entered the darkest hour for the fair race, I wouldn’t have been so polarised against Judeo-Christianity following in Nietzsche’s footsteps. Manu Rodriguez’s letter to me comes to mind now.
 

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What was eternal in the warrior religion of Wotan and Thor, and before that in the immemorial Nordic religion of Heaven, Earth and the ‘Son’ of both, which Dr Hermann Wirth studied and was to survive in Christian esotericism and in esotericism itself? The latter has, in parallel with the teaching of the Churches, continued throughout history to have its initiates, fewer and fewer in number, no doubt, but always present and sometimes very active. One counts, among them, immortal creators such as the great Dürer and later Goethe, Wagner, and to a certain extent, Nietzsche. And it is known that Frederick II, ‘the Great’, King of Prussia—the hero par excellence of the Führer—was Grand Master of the Old Prussian Lodges.

The deep significance of the ancient Irminsul, the Axis of the World, isn’t different from that of the Cross detached from all Christian mythology, that is, from the history of the torture of Jesus considered as a fact in time. The point of the venerable Germanic symbol is aimed at the North Star, which represents the ‘One’ or supreme principle, and its curved branches are supposed to support the circle of the Zodiac, symbolising the Cycle of manifestation, moving around its immobile centre. There are in some very old churches in Germany even ‘crucifixions’ in which the cross itself has the curved branches of the ‘pagan’ Irminsul, the whole suggesting as it does the fusion of the two religions in their highest and most universal symbolism.

On the other hand, according to Professor von Moth of Detmold, the Fleur de Lys, linked as is well known to the idea of royal or imperial power is, in its form, a somewhat stylised replica of the Irminsul or Pillar of All, having a polar and axial significance. All legitimate power comes from On-high. And the Swastika, also ‘essentially the sign of the Pole’,[2] thus of the ‘rotational movement that is achieved around a centre of an immutable axis’ and of ‘the vivifying role of the Principle concerning the cosmic order’[3], is connected thereby to the Irminsul and the cross.

What was important, therefore, was to exalt everything that had contributed, or could contribute, to strengthening the German will to power: the condition for the universal ‘recovery’ that only a regenerated Germany could initiate. On the other hand, it was to keep alive the deposit of traditional truth, that is to say, of more than human (cosmic) truth, transmitted from the depths of the ages. The expression of this heritage could vary from one period to another according to political fluctuations, but the substance remained the same and explained the supreme beauty of the old Nordic sagas and the music, eminently Christian in inspiration, of Johann Sebastian Bach and, it goes without saying, of the entire artwork, musical and literary, also initiatory, of Richard Wagner.
 

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Editor’s Note: Once more, due to our anti-Christian POV we have some reservations on this point. See what Albus and I say about Wagner and Bach.

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This deposit, more precious than anything else, came from the mysterious Hyperboreans and the original homeland of the ‘transparent men’, sons of the ‘intelligences of beyond’: the Hyperboreans whose capital was Thule.

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[1] The Prussians were still ‘pagans’, i.e. faithful to their Germanic gods, as late as the 14th century.

[2] René Guénon: Symboles fondamentaux de la Science sacrée, page 89.

[3] Ibid., page 90.

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Monologe im Führerhauptquartier

Monologe im Führerhauptquartier, 2

Führerhauptquartier

Juli 1941, 11.30 – 1.50 H/Fu.

Gespräch mit v. Below[1] darüber, ob wir nicht gut tun, jetzt einmal zur moralischen Erschütterung des Gegners Bilder des noch nicht gezeigten Großkaliber-Geschützes zu veröffentlichen.

Langes allgemeines Gespräch über Auto-Motoren: die ersten und die späteren Wagen des Führers.

Die Schönheit der Krim, uns erschlossen durch eine Autobahn: der deutsche Süden. Kreta – heißwaldlos; schön wäre Zypern; aber: die Krim erreichen wir auf dem Landweg: Kiew. Dazu als Reiseland für uns: Kroatien. »Ich glaube, nach dem Krieg wird eine große Freude kommen.«

Mehr als die Eisenbahn – sie ist etwas Unpersönliches – wird der Kraftwagen die Völker verbinden. Welch’ ein Faktor auf dem Wege zum neuen Europa! Wie die Autobahn die innerdeutschen Grenzen hat verschwinden lassen, werden die Grenzen der europäischen Länder überwunden.

Auf die Frage, ob es genug sein werde, bis zum Ural als Grenze vorgedrungen zu sein: zunächst sei es genug, die Grenze bis dahin hinausgerückt zu haben; der Bolschewismus müsse ausgerottet werden; wenn nötig, werde man zu dem Zweck von dort aus dahin vorstoßen, wo immer ein neuer Herd sich bilde; Moskau als Sitz dieser Lehre werde vom Erdboden verschwinden, sobald die wertvollen Güter weggebracht sind; mit den Russen der dortigen Fabriken zu arbeiten sei uns nicht möglich. St. Petersburg [Leningrad] als Stadt sei unvergleichlich viel schöner als Moskau. Die Kunstschätze der Eremitage würden diesmal wohl nicht – wie im Weltkrieg – in den Kreml, sondern in Schlösser auf dem Lande überführtworden sein, wenn man sie nicht in die Städte ostwärts von Moskau oder zu Wasser weggebracht hat.

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[1] Nicolaus von Below, Luftwaffenadjutant Hitlers, zuletzt im Range eines Generalmajors.

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Charlemagne Heinrich Himmler Schutzstaffel (SS) Souvenirs et réflexions d'une aryenne (book)

Reflections of an Aryan woman, 71

 

Chapter 10

Hitlerian esotericism & the tradition

‘The fools scorn Me when I take on human form;
My essence, supreme source of beings, escapes them.’

—Bhagavad-Gita, 9, verse 2

 
There were, of course, echelons among the elect. Curiously, the name of this elite of physical health and beauty, of warlike courage and, more or less, of secret knowledge, whose initials are known only to the vast public, means, as I said above, ‘echelons of protection’.

I believe I also mentioned this about the Ordensburgen (Order Castles), in which the military training, political and, to some extent, metaphysical education of the SS, and especially of its cadres, took place because Hitler’s Weltanschauung is inseparable from the metaphysics that underlies it. This is so true that a critic of National Socialism and René Guénon’s work could say that the latter was ‘Hitlerism minus the armoured divisions’,[1] and this without the Cairo insider ever having written a word about ‘politics’.

Not all the candidates—I should say ‘novices’—of the SS were trained and educated in the same Ordensburg. And not everyone in the same Ordensburg was taught the same way, especially in the higher echelons. It depended on the tasks for which they were considered suitable within the elite itself.

For the elite consisted of several organisations, from the most visible, Waffen (Armed) SS—the most famous one too, because of the superhuman heroism it demonstrated so many times during the Second World War—to the most secret one, the Ahnenerbe (Heritage of the Ancestors), founded in 1935, and all the more difficult to know because many of its documents (also secret, it goes without saying) were destroyed ‘before the arrival of the Allies in Germany’, and because ‘the members of this organisation who survived the collapse of the Third Reich… remain silent with a strange resolution’.[2]

It is at least logical to think that it was probably the Ahnenerbe which, in Adolf Hitler’s ‘Black Order’, was the repository of Tradition—and more particularly, certain sections of the Ahnenerbe, for it included many, including fifty-two scientific sections[3] dealing with research, although not necessarily in the spirit and with the methods used in the experimental sciences. According to Wolfram Sievers’ statements before the victors’ tribunal in Nuremberg, to which we owe this precision, the same Institute ‘carried out or commissioned more than one hundred large-scale research missions’.[4]

The nature of some of these investigations reveals a clear interest in esoteric matters. Thus, the symbolism of the harp in Ireland was studied, as well as the question of the survival of true Rosicrucians: in other words, of initiatory groups still possessing the integral tradition of the Knights Templar (from which the first Rosicrucians are said to have inherited). Thus, the Bible and the Kabbalah were reconsidered, trying to derive their hidden meaning; asking, in particular, what role the symbolism of numbers might play in both. It was in this way that the physical and mental structure of human specimens of different races was studied—that of the Nordics, with the special care that one can guess—to ensure that the concept of heredity and race, so fundamental in Hitlerism, was given its full value. Thus, systematic and sustained efforts were made in all research aimed at revealing to the Germans the glory of their own historical or pre-historical antiquity, their Middle Ages, and at highlighting the importance of the corresponding sites.

Without denying that there is a part of esoteric truth in Christianity and Judaism itself, and in all religions or philosophies that are closely or even distantly related to Tradition, the emphasis was on the traditional form of the Germanic peoples. Traces of this can be found in the symbols engraved on rock from the earliest prehistoric times and, after the bloody eradication of the cult of Wotan by Charlemagne and his immediate successors, even in certain rites practised in the Middle Ages the Chivalric Orders or the Holy Vehm. It would be interesting to know whether the latter, which has not ceased to exist as a secret organisation, has, or has had at any time, any connection with the Thule Society.

Heinrich Himmler, the head of the SS and the man whose career, so much decried outside Hitlerian circles, is marked more than any other by this detached violence that signifies a higher quality of being, albeit ‘in a veiled way’,[5] in his speech of January 1937, which contains his only public or semi-public reference to the Ahnenerbe, extols the high importance of archaeological discoveries by the Institute of that name in Altchristenburg, East Prussia: the uncovering of several layers of ancient Germanic fortifications, refuting the view that East Prussia was a Slavic land.

But there is more: he advocates the ‘restoration’ and ‘maintenance’ of cultural centres dedicated ‘to German greatness and the German past… in every region where there is an SS company’[6] and he gives examples of such centres. One is the Sachsenhain near Verden, where 4,500 boulders, each transported from a Saxon village, had been erected one after the other, on either side of the paths in the middle of the forest, in memory of the four and a half thousand Saxons who were beheaded there, on the banks of the Aller, in 782, by order of Charlemagne because they persisted in refusing to accept the foreign god he wanted to impose on them.

The other is the site of the Externsteine, impressive vertical rocks marking one of the world’s great spiritual centres near Horn, and the sacrosanct place of worship for the ancient Germans. On the top of the highest of the rocks, in place of the ancient golden Irminsul torn down in 772 by the soldiers of the same Christian conqueror, there now flew, victorious, liberating, a symbol of the reconciliation of all the opposing aspects of German history in the consciousness of its profound unity: the red, white and black swastika flag of the Third Reich.

And the examples show that it was not only a question of ‘culture’, but of knowledge, or, for the German in general, of national culture; and for the initiates of the SS Order and in particular of the Ahnenerbe, secret knowledge of the great cosmic truths, apprehended through the traditional symbolism such as the Germanic peoples knew it, and such as a silent minority has preserved it. For, and this is a point worth noting, despite the very strong ‘pagan’ current underlying Hitlerism, manifesting itself above all in the unreserved rejection of all anthropocentrism such as the whole personal God, there was never any question of rejecting or even underestimating anything in the ancestral German and European heritage which did honour to the Aryan genius.

The Führer had, says André Erissaud, ‘the feeling’—I myself would say, the certainty—that ‘everything in the most recent West that had taken the form of a religion, and the Christian religion in particular… pertains to the all too human’, and therefore had little to do with truly transcendent values and ‘offered a general climate scarcely compatible with its dispositions and vocation, situated beyond the truths and dogmas of the faith proposed to ordinary man’.[7] However, the whole of Western civilisation is at the same time ‘recent’ and ‘Christian’. We must never forget this.

That did not, however, prevent Adolf Hitler, who was impartial, as is necessary for any sage (and even more so for any human expression of the divine), from admiring Charlemagne: the Sachsenschlüchter or ‘terminator of the Saxons’, as Alfred Rosenberg, Johann von Leers, Heinrich Himmler, and a good number of other great dignitaries, thinkers and men of action of the Third Reich called him. He saw in him the conqueror with the immense will to power, and above all the first unifier of the German people; the one who, alone at that time, had had the idea of the Reich even if he had used the artificial unity of ‘faith’ to impose it, and if this ‘faith’ was the Christian faith, i.e. a foreign faith. It will be remembered that Adolf Hitler insisted on the dissolving action of Christianity on the Greco-Roman world, and that he called it ‘pre-Bolshevism’. But it does not matter what this faith was (and still is), if it was the cement of a conquering Germanic Empire and, later, the occasion for the whole flowering of art that we know. Insofar as this art is beautiful it presupposes, in any case, a certain knowledge of what is eternal. The Führer thus accepted with respect, as a German heirloom, a replica of the sword of the Emperor of West.
 

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Editor’s note:

I distinctly remember the first time I read Hitler’s Table Talk in an Ostara Publications edition. This was the only point on which I differed with the Führer.

Precisely Ostara has published a book, which I own, that shows that we could rate Charlemagne—as historian Arthur Kemp Kemp, publisher of Ostara told me—within the evilest characters of European history. We recommend Thomas Hodgkin’s The Life of Charlemagne to those who have swallowed the Christian version of this man that imposed a Semitic cult on the noblest race on Earth.

In a previous instalment, Savitri said that Hitler was closer to Wagner than to Nietzsche. That is quite true. If he had been closer to the philosopher than the musician, he would have realised the danger posed by the Anglo-Americans, so foolish in their Christian morality that they destroyed a miraculous revival of paganism: a 20th-century reincarnation of Charlemagne’s misdeeds!

As I have said, after I finish with Savitri’s book I’ll continue posting Deschner’s Christianity’s Criminal History. We shall see that even after the destruction of Greco-Roman culture by Christians, there were still many Germanic tribes who refused to worship the god of the Jews. Charlemagne forced these uncontaminated Nordids to worship the enemy god: a historical milestone related to the darkest hour we suffer today (see for example my post yesterday, ‘Liberalism as a heretical movement’).

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[1] Louis Pauwels and Jacques Bergier: Le Matin des Magiciens, ed. Gallimard, 1960, p. 326.
[2] Brissaud: Hitler et l’Ordre Noir, page 283.
[3] Ibid., page 285.
[4] Ibid.
[5] Ibid., page 283.
[6] Ibid., page 284.
[7] Ibid, page 111.

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Henry Picker Martin Bormann

The Führer’s monologues (iii)

Picker (pic left) pointed out in the introduction to the edition of his Table Talk that, apart from short walks, Hitler ‘only found the necessary mental and spiritual relaxation in private conversation at his table, i.e. in talking in a personal, convivial atmosphere’.[1] This purpose was best achieved the further the respective topic of conversation led away from the pressing tasks and decisions of the day. Since every effort and concentration was to be avoided, the guests refrained from deepening or continuing a topic by asking questions or raising objections. In addition, the commander-in-chief, who was cut off from many contacts and isolated from the people in his headquarters, also monologued to gain clarity for himself. He found it particularly helpful when the guests were open-minded and joined in. During the war, the small dinner party replaced the population, whose response Hitler had always so urgently needed for his decisions and whom he could not entirely do without.

The need for communication became even more obvious at the nightly teatimes. Hitler didn’t retire after the evening briefing to relax or reflect on current events, but invited a few confidants to his bunker, which also served him as a workroom, to shed the burden of the day and gain new energy. He attached particular importance to the presence of his secretaries, because he felt stimulated by this, but at the same time the informal atmosphere was preserved. Very different topics were often discussed than in the conversations in the larger circle.
 

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Editor’s Note: This is what those who do a detailed analysis of Mein Kampf fail to understand: the real Hitler is the one of his after-dinner talks. The other is the ‘PR Hitler’ for the masses.
 

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When assessing Hitler’s monologues, these aspects will always have to be taken into account. It corresponded to the need for relaxation and repression that in the winter months of 1941/42 the serious crisis on the Eastern Front, the hardships of the population in the increasingly severe war, the supply difficulties and the looming weakness of Italy weren’t mentioned at all. No less visible is the need for recreation in the reminiscences of a special past, the reports of interesting encounters and experiences, and discussions about questions of art. This is often matched by the style of relaxed chit-chat, whereby the topics changed quickly and easily and undoubtedly not every word and every opinion should be weighed on the gold scales.

Hitler sought contact with his aides and collaborators when fundamental questions of worldview and politics moved him and he wanted to gain clarity about his course of action, especially about the possibilities and limits he had for his actions during the war. The frequent discussions on questions of faith, the vitality of Christianity in Germany and Europe, the position of the churches on National Socialism and politics in the occupied territories of Eastern Europe belong in this context; and the same for his remarks on the administration of justice and the special problems of the penal system under the exceptional conditions of war. Hitler sensed in his conversations with the few people around him in the Führer’s headquarters that the readiness to take tougher and more uncompromising action against outsiders or enemies of the regime grew the more severe as the war unfolded, and the sacrifices it demanded. Even in the seclusion of his headquarters, he still had a feeling for the mood in the country and the state of consciousness of the individual groups and classes. Hence his repeated harsh criticism of the administration and its schematism, which was shared by parts of the population, his mockery of the concerns and objections of the experts in all areas of public life, and his anger at the Germans who showed fear and disgust given the deportations of Jews and the persecution measures in the occupied territories.
 

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Editor’s Note: This reminds me of American racialists that falter over the exterminationist measures that William Pierce fantasized about in both fiction and his story of the white race.
 

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Now, admittedly, the records convey only an inadequate picture of Hitler’s remarks. Heim did take notes at lunchtime and in the evening during the talks in the larger circle ‘to have a basis for the most important details’. But even then, after the board had been removed, he was only able to summarise on a few pages what sometimes had been discussed in great detail. For the very long monologues during the nightly teatimes, he had to rely entirely on his memory.

Furthermore, Bormann’s adjutant, who was interested in problems of art, refrained from the outset from ‘recording statements on military and questions of technology’ because he wasn’t competent and knowledgeable in this regard. He did this in wise self-restraint, although conversations about these topics at the table took up a great deal of space and Hitler had considerable knowledge in these areas. But beyond that, Heim didn’t jot down anything unless he was sure ‘that he had grasped the gist of it’. When reading these notes it must always be borne in mind that they contain by no means everything that concerned Hitler and what he talked about.

Nevertheless, the transcripts presented here are of great value because the man who made them, as a convinced National Socialist, tried to capture the ‘train of thought and the quintessence’ of what he heard. Particularly short, striking statements and remarks on ideological and political issues, that were familiar to Heim as an old party comrade, stuck with him. When talking about less familiar topics or events that were off the beaten track, on the other hand, sentences were sometimes recorded that no longer allow a full reconstruction of the course of the conversation and the train of thought.

No matter how hard Heim tried to convey the words of his leader as faithfully and accurately as possible, they remain subjectively filtered. Here, too, what Baroness Spitzemberg noted in her diary about a long conversation with Bismarck in Friedrichsruh after his resignation is true: ‘In writing all this down immediately after hearing it, with no other intention than to entrust the great man’s words to this book, I realise how inevitable the errors are… When I read over what has been written, I am well aware that I have not written anything wrong; but some things have nevertheless been left out, through the different order or it doesn’t appear as it was intended. Perhaps I put a different meaning in the prince’s words!’[2]

To leave no doubt that it was always only a summary of Hitler’s remarks, Heim introduced each interview note with a sentence such as: ‘According to the meaning, the chief expressed himself in approximately the following lines of thought’, or: ‘Among other things, according to the meaning, the chief expressed himself as follows…’ This practice was also adhered to by Bormann’s adviser, who recorded the few statements from the years 1943/44. His notes always began with the formula: ‘Today the Führer said roughly the following…’ This makes it clear that it is merely a reproduction, that long discussions were summarised, and that occasionally less important or very specific statements were omitted.

This finding must be particularly emphasized because Picker described Heim’s 36 conversation recordings, which he included in his edition of the Tischgespräche, as ‘original shorthand’.[3] This claim may be in private interest—shorthand notes are not protected by copyright to the same extent as memorial transcripts and memos, but it doesn’t serve the needs of science and the interested public at all. After all, there is a serious difference between a verbatim reproduction of Hitler’s remarks and a summary of his monologues.

Moreover, Picker’s assertion that he had received the express permission of Hitler and Bormann to take his own and some selected notes of Heim’s must also be questioned. According to Heim, Hitler knew nothing at all about his notes. He can therefore—at least in the case of Heim’s texts—hardly have had material at his disposal of which he had no knowledge. Furthermore, it is not evident why Bormann treated the Führer’s talks as a ‘secret’ party matter and carefully kept them safe, if at the same time he expressly released them as a private work.

For the evaluation of the source, it is of great importance whether Hitler carefully checked his statements in the knowledge of the transcripts and only said what was allowed to become known, or whether he was able to speak freely and relaxedly in a circle of confidants about questions that shouldn’t leak out, to which he didn’t yet have a clear answer. All the information suggests that the latter was the case. In any case, Hitler didn’t expect that what he said at the nightly meetings in his study would be recorded in writing. In this relaxed atmosphere he expressed himself more openly and informally than at the lunch and dinner table. Picker was well aware of this, because during his work on Bormann’s staff he mainly procured copies of these notes. Of the 36 notes he took from Heim’s inventory into his edition, 13 alone refer to the nightly teatimes, to which he was never asked.

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[1] Picker, Hitlers Tischgespräche, p. 24.

[2] Das Tagebuch der Baronin Spitzemberg. Ausgewählt und herausgegeben von Rudolf Vierhaus (The Diary of Baroness Spitzemberg. Selected and edited by Rudolf Vierhaus). Göttingen 1976, p. 291.

[3] Picker, Hitlers Tischgespräche, p. 33.

Categories
Schutzstaffel (SS) Souvenirs et réflexions d'une aryenne (book) Third Reich Welfare of animals

Reflections of an Aryan woman, 70

As I noted above, the particular restrictions he had been able to impose on himself up to that point, in a spirit of asceticism, became unnecessary. And if he continued to observe some of them; if among other things, he obstinately abstained from alcoholic beverages and tobacco, it was out of natural disposition rather than out of a concern for discipline. And if he also refused to eat any meat, it was because deep down he—the artist and friend of animals—had a deepening disgust with the ugliness and horror of the slaughterhouse and the butchery. That said, he lived from then on as a harmoniously balanced man, mingling, without embarrassment or astonishment, with the most refined society if he deemed it necessary for his work or if, after hours of contact with his rough SA and the people, he found there a source of relaxation.

He enjoyed the company of women and, like Siegfried, the prophet Mohammed, Krishna, the incarnate God, and other illustrious fighters ‘against Time’, he knew love, sporadically at least, it seems, when he had the time! Above all, he lived for all the satisfactions that art in all its forms could give him; art that he placed so high that he didn’t admit that a man who was insensitive to it should ever take over the leadership of a National Socialist state. People who, like the French writer Malraux—who certainly cannot be suspected of any bias toward him!—met him at social gatherings and embassy dinners, admit that he was ‘witty’, even ‘humorous’ and that he ‘knew how to dance’ in the sense of Nietzsche’s definition of the term.

But at the same time, he remained first and foremost a man of his fight. And he seems to have been increasingly aware of the need for those who led this struggle under him and in collaboration with him to have a share in the secret knowledge of more than human origin. Hence his dream of a hierarchical German Empire—and beyond it, a hierarchical world according to the spirit of Tradition: a ‘caste system on a planetary scale’ to use the expression of a Hindu, an intelligent admirer of the German Third Reich.

Hence, too, his efforts to create the Order: ‘a veritable lay priesthood’ as Rauschning wrote, which was to be the guardian of Tradition at the top of the social pyramid of the Great Reich and, after the inevitable collapse, at the top of that of the faithful survivors.

This Order, as I have said, was the Schutzstaffel or ‘Echelons of protection’, commonly referred to by its initials—SS—which the Führer wanted to be both ‘militant’ and ‘triumphant’ in the sense in which these terms are applied to the Church in Catholic theology; that is to say, warlike and concerned above all with the defence and expansion of the Aryan elite’s strongholds in this world, and having attained at least a certain degree of being, separating it from the rest of mankind as the ‘chosen ones’ are separated from the ‘world’, the initiated from the uninitiated, in all traditional societies.

Without the existence of such an Order, the reversal of false values on all planes, including the material plane, was inconceivable.

Categories
Buddhism Degenerate art Richard Wagner Souvenirs et réflexions d'une aryenne (book)

Reflections of an Aryan woman, 69

It is known that at one point Beatrice steps aside before St. Bernard to guide Dante in the final stages of his ascent to the summit of the successive paradises.[1] One wonders who, after Stephanie, helped Adolf to climb the highest rungs of secret knowledge and when he climbed them. Was he still living in Vienna? Or in Munich? Or shortly after his decision, upon the announcement of Germany’s surrender in 1918, to ‘become a politician’?—as was the case with at least one other world-changing initiate, namely Christ himself, around the age of thirty? Or earlier? Or later? It is almost impossible to answer this question with any certainty.
 

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Editor’s Note: For a priestess of the sacred words (or priest) to use honorific titles like ‘Christ’ for a fictitious character from the pen of a resentful Semite just after the destruction of the Temple in Jerusalem, is a mistake. It is as if a follower of the 14 words were to call the Semite Muhammad ‘The Prophet’: a mistake that many esotericists often make. Note that although I consider myself a priest of the same religion as Savitri, I am not an esotericist but belong to another generation of the same priesthood.
 

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Two things, however, are beyond doubt. The first is that throughout his life the Führer continued to bathe in the spiritual atmosphere of Wagner—even more so than that of Nietzsche—and to draw inspiration from it. ‘I know all of Wagner’s thoughts inside out. At the various stages of my life I always return to him’[2] he once told Hermann Rauschning while he found that, in Nietzsche, although this thinker had ‘already glimpsed the overman as a new biological variety, everything is still floating’.[3] I repeat: Wagner, himself initiated to the highest degree—his work is proof of this—was, through this work, the true spiritual master of Adolf Hitler.
 

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Editor’s note: One of the things I have noticed about today’s neo-Nazis is that they are completely insensitive to Wagner’s greatness: it is an art they simply do not understand because many, including some European racialists, have degenerated musically.

To understand Hitler one has to (1) be repulsed by all degenerate music and (2) feel Wagner. That task is virtually impossible in the West today, as the degenerate milieu surrounds the white man like a fish in water. But it is possible if someone crosses the Wall and undergoes an initiation of years inside the cave of the three-eyed raven.
 

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The second certainty is that, either directly through the Thulegesellschaft or before his first contacts with it—in Vienna perhaps—with those having the same concerns, dreams and above all knowledge of the same order, Adolf Hitler knew the old hyperborean tradition: according to Guénon, the source of all others within which he received his supreme initiation. For the fact that he was one of the ‘descents’ on earth (in Sanskrit: avatara) of the One who returns, in every age of tragic decadence, to fight against the tide of Time and attempt ‘a recovery’, didn’t exempt him from the secret teaching of the masters of a particular form of the eternal tradition. Regarding these masters, from whose tutelage he could easily escape as André Brissaud suggests,[4] it wasn’t for granted that he would never enter into conflict; they had their part to play in his awakening. Other very great figures of the past, who have left their mark on history—among others, the Buddha himself, considered in Hinduism as an incarnation of Vishnu—have had masters even if they quickly surpassed them.

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Editor’s Note: Savitri is wrong again. We could say the same thing about ‘Buddha’ as we said about ‘Christ’ and ‘The Prophet’ because universalist Buddhism was ethnosuicide for the remaining Aryans in India, as Revilo Oliver knew.
 

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One would have to have been a member of the Thule Society to be able to say exactly what distinguished its teaching from that of other initiatory organisations or those claiming to be such. This is not so important if, as Brissaud seems to think, Hitler very quickly freed himself from the influence of any master or masters he might have had (apart, of course, from that of Wagner, whose music, both epic and initiatory, underpinned his entire life and even accompanied him beyond death).[5] What is important is to realise that he did indeed—it is not clear when, but certainly before the takeover—receive the supreme initiation that placed him above the contingencies of this world and above good and evil. In other words, he ‘awakened’ completely and definitively to what he was from all eternity and remains absolutely.
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[1] René Guénon: L’ésotérisme de Dante.
[2] Rauschnmg: Hitler m’a dit, page 257.
[3] Ibid., page 273.
[4] Brissaud: Hitler et l’Ordre Noir, page 109.
[5] After the announcement of the Führer’s tragic death in 1945, German radio played the last part of Richard Wagner’s Götterdämmerung.

Categories
Aryan beauty Metaphysics of race / sex Souvenirs et réflexions d'une aryenne (book)

Reflections of an Aryan woman, 68

There seems to be in this, on the part of the young Adolf, a deliberate refusal of sexual life, not, of course, for vain ‘mortification of the flesh’ but with a view to the use of the ‘sacred flame of life’ in the conquest of the higher states of his being and, finally, in the conquest of realisation, of the experience of the unthinkable beyond the being and non-being of Dante’s ‘supreme heaven’; the One of Plotinus; the Brahman of the Sanskrit Scriptures.

The revolution he was already meditating on could only come ‘from above’, for it was a true, the only true revolution: the overthrow of anthropocentric values that are nothing but the product of the laughable vanity of fallen man. He knew this. And such, no doubt, more than one knight aspiring to ‘God’, that is to say to the knowledge of the supreme principle, resisting more easily the temptations of the senses by evoking the idealised image of his ‘Lady’ just as Dante was accompanied during two-thirds of his ascent to the successive paradises by the radiant Beatrice: whom he had only glimpsed twice on the material plane, without ever having spoken to her. So Adolf Hitler, we believe, climbed the first rungs of spiritual development beyond the stage he could have reached without her, accompanied inwardly by the blonde Stephanie. He saw in her some of the great female figures of Wagnerian drama: ‘the German woman par excellence’, the living Germany. It was only natural that she should embody for him in human form the suggestive power—the symbolic eloquence—of both the music of the Master of Bayreuth and the immemorial Swastika.

For the initiation of the future Führer into the most universal truths was to take place under the sign of Germania, to whose particular tradition he was to become increasingly attached to identify himself. For he was both the sleeping emperor, suddenly emerging from his cave at the call of his people’s despair, and Siegfried, the warrior ‘freer than the Gods’, creator of a world of overmen: the Germanic form of He-who-returns from age to age.

It is remarkable that, ‘in full possession of himself’ [1] he had, already at the time in question, the position he was to take later in Mein Kampf concerning all the social problems raised by sex. He felt the same repulsion for venal love (even if legalized), as well as for all manner of unhealthy eroticism; the same respect for the ‘sacred flame of life’—a divine force, the source of racial immortality, which should not be diverted from its purpose for the sole pleasure of the individual, but should be put to the service of the race.

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Editor’s note: There is no point in continuing dropping names. But I’ve read a recent article in one of the most visited forums of the racial right in which the editor mocked the incels because they are incapable of ‘getting laid’. While I am repulsed by this movement of frustrated males insofar as they have no revolutionary ideology (merely a reactionary one), it doesn’t seem to enter the little heads of the apologists of feminism that we healthy males don’t want ‘getting laid’ but traditional wives.
 

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It is remarkable that in all that concerned the sexual field in general, as in other fields, he was already placing himself, for others, in the view of the legislator (while for himself only the knowledge and the power connected with it counted: the preparation for the extraordinary role he was to play in history). Amid the great corrupt city he surrounded himself, Kubizek tells us, ‘with a screen of unshakable principles, which allowed him to build his life…’ —I would say, his being— ‘in complete inner freedom, independent of the threatening atmosphere’.[2] One thinks, when reading these words, of the ‘magic circle’ which surrounds and protects the man who has reached a certain level of initiatory realisation, and helps him to continue his development in a true (although not apparent) isolation.

How long did this isolation and ‘severe monastic asceticism’[3] of which Kubizek speaks, last for Adolf Hitler? Probably until he had reached the supreme degree of knowledge: the state where he was finally fully aware not only that he was (like the tribune Rienzi) ‘entrusted with a mission’ to the people, but that he had chosen this task and decided to ‘take on human form’ in the visible world to carry it out, even if it were to end in total failure, because it was nevertheless inscribed in the eternal order of things. At this stage, the final, irreversible mutation which corresponds to initiation into the ‘great mysteries’, having been carried out, any asceticism became superfluous like the vessel whose exile, brought back to port at last, has no further use.

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[1] Kubizek, page 276.
[2] Ibid., page 286.
[3] Ibid.

Categories
August Kubizek Metaphysics of race / sex Poetry Souvenirs et réflexions d'une aryenne (book)

Reflections of an Aryan woman, 67

If we now ask ourselves what influence, apart from that of Wagner’s music and the less immediate but still living influence of the Swastika, could have helped the young Adolf to acquire so early the power to transcend space and time in this way, we are immediately led to think of his only childhood love: the beautiful Stephanie, with her heavy blond braids wrapped around her head like a soft, shiny crown[1]; Stephanie to whom he never dared to speak because he had ‘not been introduced to her’ [2] but who had become in his eyes ‘the female counterpart of his own person’.[3]

August Kubizek insists on the exclusivity of this very special love: the ‘ideal’ plane on which he always remained. He tells us that the young Adolf, who identified Stephanie with the Elsa of Lohengrin and ‘other heroine figures of the Wagnerian repertoire’[4] didn’t feel the slightest need to talk or hear her, as he was sure that ‘intuition was enough for the mutual understanding of people out of the ordinary’. He was satisfied to watch her pass by from afar; to love her from afar as a vision from another world.

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Editor’s note: Is the image I chose for the front cover of The Fair Race finally understood (a girl I met decades ago, and who I talk about in my last book)?
 

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Once, however, on a beautiful Sunday in June, something unforgettable happened. He saw her, as always, at his mother’s side, in a parade of flower floats. She was holding a bouquet of poppies, cornflowers and daisies: the same flowers under which her float disappeared. She was approaching. He had never looked at her so closely, and she had never seemed more beautiful. He was, says Kubizek, ‘delighted with the earth’. [5]
 

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Editor’s note: From the pen of Spanish Romanticist poet Gustavo Adolfo Bécquer (1836-1870):

Hoy la tierra y los cielos me sonríen,
Hoy llega al fondo de mi alma el sol,
Hoy la he visto…, la he visto y me ha mirado,
¡Hoy creo en Dios!

Terry Rooney’s translation:

Today heaven and earth smile upon me
Today the sun reaches the depths of my soul
Today I saw her… I saw her and she looked at me,
Today I believe in God!
 

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Then the girl’s bright eyes rested on him for a moment. She smiled carelessly at him in the festive atmosphere of that sunny Sunday, took a flower from her bouquet and tossed it to him.[6] And the witness to this scene adds that ‘never again’—not even when he saw him again in 1940, in the aftermath of the French campaign, at the height of his glory—did he see Adolf Hitler ‘happier’.

But even then, the future Führer did nothing to get closer to Stephanie. His Platonic love remained like that, ‘weeks, months, years’. Not only did he no longer expect anything from the girl after the gesture I have just recalled, but ‘any initiative she might have taken beyond the rigid framework of convention would have destroyed the image he had of her in his heart’.[7]

When one remembers what role the ‘Lady of his thoughts’ played in the life and spiritual development of the medieval knight—who could also be, though not necessarily, a figure we just caught a glimpse of, even some distant princess, whose beauty and virtues the devoted knight knew only by hearsay—and when we know, moreover, what deep links existed between the Orders of Chivalry and hermetic teaching, that is to say initiatory—one cannot help but connect the dots.

August Kubizek assures us that, at least during the years he lived in Vienna with him, the future Führer didn’t once respond to the solicitations of women, didn’t associate with any of them, didn’t approach any of them although he was ‘bodily and sexually quite normal’.[8] And he tells us that the beloved image of the woman who, in his eyes, ‘embodied the ideal German woman’ would have supported him in this deliberate refusal of any carnal adventure.

It is instructive to note the reason for this refusal, which Kubizek reports in all simplicity misunderstanding the implications of his childhood friend’s words. Adolf Hitler wanted, he tells us, to keep within himself, ‘pure and undiminished’ [9] what he called ‘the flame of Life’, in other words, the vital force. ‘A single moment of inattention, and this sacred flame is extinguished for ever’—at least for a long time—he wrote, showing us the value the future Führer attached to it. He tries, unsuccessfully, to elucidate what it is. He sees in it only the symbol of the ‘holy love’ that awakens between people who have kept themselves pure in body and spirit, and who ‘is worthy of a union destined to give the people a healthy offspring.’ [10] The preservation of this ‘flame’ was to be, he wrote, ‘the most important task’[11] of that ‘ideal state’ which the future founder of the Third German Reich thought of in his lonely hours.

This is undoubtedly true. But there is more to it than that.

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[1] The name Stephanie evokes the idea of a crown (Stephanos, in Greek).
[2] Kubizek, p. 88.
[3] Ibid. (‘die weibliche Entsprechung der eigenen Person’).
[4] Ibid., page 78.
[5] Ibid.
[6] Ibid., page 84.
[7] Ibid., page 87.
[8] Ibid., page 276.
[9] page 280.
[10] Ibid.
[11] Ibid.

Categories
3-eyed crow August Kubizek Catholic religious orders Souvenirs et réflexions d'une aryenne (book) Swastika

Reflections of an Aryan woman, 66

It is curious, to say the least, that this extraordinary episode—which, apart from its own ‘resonance’ of truth, is guaranteed by Kubizek’s ignorance of the superhuman realm—has not, to my knowledge, been commented on by any of those who have tried to link National Socialism to ‘occult’ sources. Even the authors who have—quite wrongly!—wanted to attribute to the Führer a nature of ‘medium’ have not, as far as I know, attempted to use it. Instead, they have insisted on the immense power of suggestion which he exercised not only over crowds (and women), but on all those who came, even if only occasionally, into contact with him; on men as coldly detached as a Himmler; on soldiers as realistic as an Otto Skorzeny, a Hans-Ulrich Rudel or a Degrelle.

Now, it is ignorance of the first elements of the science of para-psychic phenomena to consider as ‘medium’ one who enjoys such power. A medium is the one who receives, who undergoes suggestion; not the one who is capable of inflicting it on others, and especially many others. This power is the privilege of the hypnotist or magnetizer, and in this case of a magnetizer of a stature that borders on the superhuman; of a magnetizer capable for his benefit—or rather for the idea, of which he wants to be the promoter—to play the role of a ‘medium’ to the strongest, the stalest, the most resistant to any affecting.

One is not both a magnetiser and a medium. We are one or the other, or neither. And if we want to include some ‘para-psychic’ in the history of Adolf Hitler’s political career—as I believe we are entitled to do—then the magnetizer is him, whose power of exalting and transforming human beings, by the mere spoken word, is comparable to that which Orpheus exerted, it is said, by the enchantment of his lyre, on people and beasts. The ‘medium’ is the German people, almost all of them—and some non-Germans throughout the world, to whom the radio transmitted the bewitching Voice.

The episode mentioned above, of which I have translated Augustus Kubizek’s account, [1] could very well serve as an argument in favour of the presence of ‘medium gifts’ in the young Adolf Hitler if these so-called gifts weren’t contradicted resoundingly, precisely by the astonishing power of suggestion which he didn’t cease to exercise throughout his career on the multitudes and practically all the people. Indeed, Kubizek tells us that he had the distinct impression that ‘another I’ had spoken through his friend; that the stream of prophetic eloquence had seemed to flow from him as from a force alien to him. Now, if the adolescent speaker had nothing of the ‘medium’ about him; if he was in no way possessed by ‘an Other’—god or the devil, whatever; in any case not himself—what then was this ‘other I’ who seemed to take his place during that unforgettable hour on the summit of the Freienberg, under the stars, and to substitute him so completely that the friend would have had some difficulty in recognising him, hadn’t he continued to see him?

Understandably, Auguste Kubizek didn’t ‘dare to pass judgment’ on this. However, he speaks of an ‘ecstatic state’, of ‘complete rapture’ (völlige Entrückung) and the transposition of the visionary’s experience onto ‘another plane, tailored to him’ (auf eine andere, ihm gemässe Ebene). Moreover, this recent living experience—the impression made on him by the story of the 14th-century Roman tribune translated and interpreted by Wagner’s music—had been, the witness tells us, only the ‘external impulse’ which had led him to the vision of the personal as well as the national future; in other words, which had served as the occasion for the adolescent’s access to a new consciousness: a consciousness in which space and time, and the individual state that is linked to these limitations, are transcended.

This would mean that the ‘other plane to the measure’ of the young Adolf Hitler was nothing less than that of the ‘eternal present’ and that, far from having been ‘possessed’ by an alien entity, the future master of the multitudes had become master of the Centre of his being; that he had, under the mysterious influence of his initiator—Wagner—taken the great decisive step on the path of esoteric knowledge, undergone the first irreversible mutation—the opening of the ‘third eye’ which had made him an ‘Edenic man’.

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Editor’s Note: Are you finally beginning to understand the metaphor that I have used so many times on this site (the symbol of the three-eyed raven)?
 

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He had just acquired the degree of being corresponding to what is called, in initiatory language, the Little Mysteries. And the ‘other I’ which had spoken through his mouth of things that his daily conscious self was still unaware of, or perhaps only half-perceived ‘as if through a veil’, a few hours before, was his true ‘I’ and that of all the living: the Being, with whom he had just realized his identification.

It may seem strange to the vast majority of my readers—including those who still venerate him as ‘our Führer forever’—that he could, at such an astonishingly young age, have shown such an awakening to supra-sensible realities. Among the men who aspire with all their ardour to essential knowledge, how many are there, in fact, who grow old in meditation and pious exercises without yet reaching this level? But if there is one area where the most fundamental inequality and the most blatant appearance of ‘arbitrariness’ reigns, it is this.

God places his august sign on the forehead of whoever pleases him;
He has forsaken the eagle, and chosen the birdie,
Said the monk. Why did he do this? Who shall tell? Nobody![2]

There is no impossibility for an exceptional adolescent to cross the barrier opened to the mind in search of principled truth, initiation into the Little Mysteries. According to what is still told in India about his life, the great Sankaracharya was one of these. And twenty-two centuries earlier, Akhnaton, king of Egypt, was also sixteen years old when he began to preach the cult of Aten, Essence of the Sun, of which the ‘Disc’ is only the visible symbol. And everything leads us to believe that there were others, less and less rare as we go back for the cycle in which we live the last centuries.

If, on the other hand, one sees in Adolf Hitler one of the figures—and undoubtedly the penultimate one—of the One who returns when all seems lost; the most recent of the many precursors of the supreme divine incarnation or of the last messenger of the Eternal (the Mahdi of the Mahometans; the Christ returned in glory of the Christians; the Maitreya of the Buddhists; the Saoshyant of the Mazdeans; the Kalki of the Hindus) or by whatever name one wishes to call him, who is to end this cycle and usher in the Golden Age of the next, then all becomes clear.

For then, naturally, he was an adolescent and before that, already an exceptional child: a child whose sign, a word, a nothing (or what might seem ‘a nothing’ to anyone else) was enough to awaken his intellectual intuition. So, it is not impossible to think that, from the school years 1896-97, 1897-98 (and partly 1898-99), which he spent as a pupil at the Benedictine abbey of Lambach-an-Traun, in Upper Austria, the magic of the Holy Swastika—a powerful cosmic symbol, an immemorial evocator of the principal truth—seized him, penetrated him, dominated him; that he had, beyond the exhilarating solemnity of Catholic worship, identified with it forever.

For the Reverend Father Theodorich Hagen, Abbot of Lambach, had, thirty years earlier, this sacred sign engraved on the walls, on the woodwork, in every corner of the monastery, however paradoxical such an action may seem ‘without counterpart in a Christian convent’.[3] And as he sang in the choir the young Adolf, nine years old in 1898, ten years old in 1899, had ‘right in front of him’ on ‘the high back of the abbot’s chair’, in the very centre of Father Hagen’s heraldic shield, the ancient Symbol now destined to remain forever attached to his name.

It is natural, then, that he should have been aware very early on, in parallel with his opening up to the world of Essences, of what had to be done in this visible and tangible world, at the eleventh hour, a ‘recovery’; or even only to suggest one—to sound the last, supreme warning of the Gods, in case the universal decadence was irredeemable (as indeed it seems to be). And, as Kubizek reports, there is every reason to believe that this was the case, since even at the time of his extraordinary awakening the future Führer spoke of the ‘mission’ (Auftrag) he was to receive one day, to lead the people ‘from bondage to the heights of freedom’.[4]

__________

[1] There is a French edition of Auguste Kubizek’s book Adolf Hitler, mein Jugendfreund, published by Gallimard. Unfortunately, the original text has been shortened. The most interesting passages of this story are not included in the translation.

[2] Leconte de Lisle in the poem entitled ‘Hieronymus’, in Poèmes tragiques.

[3] Brissaud : Hitler et l’Ordre Noir, page 23.

[4] Kubizek: Adolf Hitler, mein Jugendfreund, page 140.