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Hinduism Savitri Devi Souvenirs et réflexions d'une aryenne (book)

Reflections of an Aryan woman, 98

Advertisements, like the ones I have just mentioned, cover whole pages. There is also, of course, the occasional request from some ‘broad-minded’—i.e., heavily influenced by foreign propaganda) father (or brother—that ‘caste doesn’t matter’. Forty years ago there were already such advertisements—one in a hundred—in the big city newspapers. Most of them came from Brahmosamajis. The mentality they reflect is unknown in the villages of India, where ninety-five per cent of the population live.

As for the immense mass of Harijans the government may open the doors of the temples wide to them, but they don’t care to enter. They know that this is contrary to custom and that custom is sacred, whereas the government isn’t. They continue to stay away as before.

Despite all this, the poison of anti-Tradition, the virus of a new, anti-racist, and above all anti-Aryan mentality—contrary to that which has governed Hindu life for sixty centuries—has been injected into the souls of an increasing number of young people of both sexes and all castes. It has been injected already in the time of the English, and, as I have so often repeated, by the English themselves; their teachers as well as their missionaries, or the Jews of high Masonic degrees who acted behind them and through them, mostly without their knowledge.

It may be that Hindu civilisation will resist to the very end of this last age of our Cycle. It may be that, in time, it will cease to resist and succumb. All will depend on how long our Cycle is to last, and above all on how quickly the non-Aryan Hindu castes pull up. The revolt of the latter,[1] which is now being felt everywhere among their educated members can only remain in a multiracial ‘democracy’, directly proportional to the success of the measures of preventive hygiene and medicine. The present Indian government, with its profoundly anthropocentric views inherited from the humanitarian—if not Christian—West, will continue to apply such measures, the pure and simple suppression of which would seem ‘monstrous’ to them.

The Indian Aryan will certainly remain in India. But he will have (like the Aryan, moreover, wherever populations of an inferior race, enjoying ‘rights’ equal to his own, multiply alongside him), less and less power. The democratic system, if it isn’t broken in time by violence, will prevent him from acting or even from asserting himself through words and books.

It would be necessary, therefore, that, in an immense and irresistible impulse against the current of the Dark Age, India should repudiate both democracy and anthropocentrism, and return to living in the atmosphere of the ancient racism of the hierarchical castes: the Aryan, Brahman and Kshatriya at the top, having sole temporal power and spiritual authority; the latter deriving its legitimacy from the former.

But if, as everything suggests, the ‘twenty-fifth hour’ has really come, there is no one before Kalki himself who can initiate and guide such an impulse. What our beloved Führer, the precursor of Kalki, didn’t succeed in doing amid a Nordic majority, with the collaboration of more than a million SS fighters—the warrior and mystic elite of the world, totally devoted to the Aryan cause—, no one will succeed in doing anywhere the equivalent of that—no one, except Kalki, the last ‘man against Time’ who must close this cycle.

_____________

[1] A revolt that took shape, in particular, in the South of India, with the struggle of the Dravida Munetra Khazgham against the Brahmins, the Sanskrit culture, the cult of Rama (the deified Aryan hero) and, in general, against everything in life and institutions which recalls the Aryan presence.

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Hinduism Miscegenation Savitri Devi Souvenirs et réflexions d'une aryenne (book)

Reflections of an Aryan woman, 97

It is fortunate that in India the masses are deeply conservative, and gifted with an uncommon strength of inertia. It isn’t impossible that, out of sheer indifference, and without even a vague awareness of what they are doing, they will successfully resist all the pressures exerted upon them to pull them away from Tradition, or from what they have been able to retain of it. They may even resist literacy—by which I mean the harmful effects that literacy has so often had on trusting and credulous populations of traditional civilisation.

They won’t necessarily lose faith in their Gods and in everything that, in their way of life, seems to them to be closely or remotely related to the divine order. I have alluded in these pages to the Viswakarma cult as I saw it practised in 1958 by the factory workers of Joda, Orissa. It isn’t impossible that for a long time to come, even to the end of this Dark Age—and not only in Joda but in the great and increasingly industrialised agglomerations—the ‘working masses’ of India will continue to ritually decorate with scarlet flowers, once a year, in honour of the Cosmic Worker, the steel monsters with their intricate workings, which help them to ‘produce’ more and more. No government, apparently, would object.

Besides, governmental objections don’t disturb the Indian masses, even the working class—let alone the rural ones. One of the first acts of the first government of ‘Independent India’ was to ‘abolish the caste system’ and open the temples to the untouchables, whom it is fashionable to call, in the phrase coined by Gandhi, ‘Harijans’ or ‘People of God’—as if all the living didn’t participate, more or less, in the divinity of Reality itself, in the Hindu world view.

However, since my return to India in June 1971, I haven’t noticed that caste is, on the whole, less meaningful to Hindus and less important in their lives than it was forty years ago. You only have to open any large or small daily newspaper and read the matrimonial advertisements to be convinced of this. You will find sentences like this one on every page: ‘Wanted: young man Agarwala’ (this is a sub-caste of the Vaishyas, widespread in the United Provinces) ‘for a beautiful girl of seventeen years of age, from the same sub-caste; good housewife and well endowed’. Or: ‘Wanted: young girl of Brahmin Saraswati’ (this is a sub-caste of the Brahmins of Maharashtra) ‘for a young man of the same sub-caste, returned from Europe, with a brilliant future. Would like dowry in relation’. Or again: ‘Request Brahmin’s daughter from Chitpavan sub-caste’, another Maharashtra community, ‘young, pretty, of robust health and fair complexion, versed in domestic arts, for young Brahmin from the same community, of good looks and fair complexion, with future employment. The dowry may be small, if the girl is beautiful, of fair complexion; and if she comes from an orthodox family’ (i.e., faithful to tradition).

Doesn’t it seem that the author of this last announcement is ‘one of us’? And yet he wrote simply as a Hindu deeply attached to his ancient tradition. But tradition is the same. This Brahmin of 1971 has, without knowing it, a nostalgia for the immemorial Hyperborea. And there are millions like him in India.
 

______ 卐 ______

 
Editor’s note:

Just the attitude I have in the Latin American country where I live. The great irony is that, even though my bloodline is compromised, I think like these Brahmins; and two ethnic Germans I met in Mexico married… brown women. (The mongrel daughter of one of these marriages now lives in Germany; her German father is now dead!) Isn’t it a disgrace that someone like me religiously follows these ancient Aryan codes while today’s Germans violate them in the most egregious way?

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Democracy Deranged altruism Egalitarianism Neanderthalism Savitri Devi Souvenirs et réflexions d'une aryenne (book)

Reflections of an Aryan woman, 96

 

Chapter XII: A call for the end

And thou, divine Death, where everything returns and disappears,
Receive your children into your starry bosom,
Free us from Time, Number and Space,
And give us back the rest that life has disturbed.

Leconte de Lisle. (‘Dies Irae’: Poèmes Antiques).

It is worth repeating, and insisting on, that along with the great cats, the masterpieces of Creation, the elephants and other noble herbivores, and the holy forests themselves, the pullulation of man threatens with death (slow, but certain) the most beautiful and gifted of the human races, especially that which interests us above all others: our Aryan race.

This is inevitable, unless intervention in the opposite direction, and in time, is directed by legislators and supported, if necessary, by force. It is inevitable, I say, for the simple reason that the inferior races are by nature far more prolific than the others (the same is true of the various species of four-legged mammals: mice and rats multiply so much more rapidly than lions and tigers!).

A racial elite can only survive if it keeps its blood pure. And it is clear that even then it can only continue to play its natural role, which is to command, both politically and in other areas, if it is part of a civilisation which, unlike today’s democracies, both popular and plutocratic, rejects any idea of giving priority to the greatest number. As soon as one accepts the principle of universal suffrage—one man, one vote, whatever the man—; as soon as one attributes to any man (of any race, even the least beautiful and least gifted, and even of any level of personal degradation) an immense ‘value’, superior by the mere fact that he is ‘a man’, to that of the noblest animal or tree, one puts the human elite in danger.

And the threat of impotence, of deterioration, and finally of death, which is thus brought to bear upon it, is all the more formidable, and all the more imminent, because preventive sanitary techniques more effectively prevent infant mortality and epidemics of all kinds from taking their toll on the weak of any race, and from keeping in check the tendency of the inferior races to swarm at the rate of the rodents.

For if nothing is done to slow down the rate of reproduction of these races at all costs, and if moreover a higher and higher minimum of education is imposed on them, it will automatically be they who will have the last word in a world governed by ‘the majority’—they, or rather a few raceless and faithless demagogues, skilled in manipulating them, and behind them the international Jew. For he is the eternal enemy of all racism (except his own), capable of creating or suppressing at a price of gold, the most diverse demagogies.

In India, this process has been going on for decades already, even for a century, since the moment they became victims of the false belief in the ‘value of every man’. The British have felt it their duty not only to Indianize their administrative services, but to Indianize them from below, by giving more and more benefits to the lower castes—i.e., races—of India at the expense of the Aryan castes. It is they, the English, and they alone, as I have repeatedly said, who are directly responsible for the accelerated decadence of this vast country, not for having ‘exploited’ it excessively, economically; but for having instilled in those who were to become its effective rulers, their democratic and humanitarian ideals.

They are responsible for this in two ways. Firstly, they set up their hospitals and dispensaries, their faculties and their medical research laboratories everywhere. They inaugurated, on a vast scale, the fight against epidemics and especially against infant mortality—against the rapid elimination of the weak—and in every way encouraged the Indians to continue it after their departure. Thus, and while the population increased in frightful proportions (it doubles every thirty years!), they applied to its enormous masses—of different races, but, in the increasing majority, of inferior races—those same democratic principles which haven’t ceased to infect Europe since 1789.

They trained in their school the Indians (Hindus of all castes but, increasingly, of the lower castes; Mohammedans, Christians) to whom they, first under their colonial aegis and then from the ‘independence’ which followed their departure, passed on the burden of power. They imposed universal suffrage; they gave equal importance as voters (however small) to the savage Kuki of Assam, the Naga, the Santal, the Gund, and the fairest-skinned Brahmin with regular features, a blood brother of the best Europeans, and more cultured than many of them. They have chosen, as their successors, Indians, educated in their school and psychologically dead to the racist spirit of the Hindu Tradition, and sure to continue their work of disintegration.

These Indians are now doing the impossible for the promotion of the masses of inferior races, ever more compact, more swarming, more invasive thanks to the decline in mortality. They have set up legislation that gives the greatest number of posts everywhere to the nationals of these masses, as soon as they have assimilated a minimum of literacy. The result is a generalized mess, incredible incompetence at all levels: an express telegram sent from Delhi, takes four days to reach Jammu; the Delhi buses leave at the convenience of their driver, and arrive when they can, etc. It also leads to corruption at all levels, in all departments. But that does not matter.

The main thing is that people now say, abroad, ‘India’, instead of saying ‘the Indies’, and thus the illusion of an Indian ‘nation’ is born. The main thing is that this ‘nation’, or rather this State, which is the spirit of the degenerate, Jewish, humanitarian and pacifist Britons, continue to rule. It is a democracy and, to boot, a secular democracy—without official religion (because this title is refused to immemorial Hinduism), even against any traditional religion, in the manner of Emile Combes’ France: a State in which, some dare to hope, the cult of science and humanity—of science applied to the well-being and ‘happiness’ of ‘all men’—will increasingly replace the cult of the ancient Gods, according to the outdated dream of Auguste Comte.

The essential point is that this State is a multiracial democracy, in which all shades of inferior humanity are in open or latent, noisy or silent revolt against the few millions of Brahmins and Kshatriyas—even against those of them (as is the case with so many southern Brahmins) to whose ancestors the privileges and honours of caste were originally bestowed on account of their extraordinary merits, without having been Aryans.

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Savitri Devi Souvenirs et réflexions d'une aryenne (book) Technology Welfare of animals

Reflections of an Aryan woman, 95

One might also recall the resurgence of vivisection, which coincided with the revival of interest in experimental science in the 16th, and especially the 17th and 18th centuries and since. It is unfortunate that this infamy, which has assumed frightening proportions in the last century and in our own time among peoples rotten with Christian and rationalist anthropocentrism, has spread, precisely at the same time as this anthropocentric attitude, to all the countries colonised politically or morally (or in both ways) by the European or American West; that is to say, has practically spread to the whole world.

To cite only one example, but one of the most significant, the Indian Government—democratic and humanitarian, as it should be in the world dominated by the victors of 1945—has, in recent years, encouraged the export of thousands of monkeys, knowing full well that they would be subjected to criminal experiments (which the government no doubt considered ‘praiseworthy’, since they were carried out ‘in the interests of science’, and therefore of ‘man’).

And on the soil of India itself, since the so-called ‘independence’ of the country as in the time of the British, various research centres exist and are multiplying, in particular cancer research, in whose laboratories the same horrors take place as in those of Paris, London, Chicago or Moscow. And in the big cities, stray dogs, considered ‘useless’ by the neophytes of anthropocentrism, die in atrocious suffering, systematically poisoned with strychnine, as I saw some die in Greece in 1970.[1]

And what to say of the treatment of the dogs of Constantinople, the most brutally collected in the world—with lasso and pincers—and thrown on a deserted island in the Sea of Marmara to die of hunger and thirst, by order of the ‘Young Turk’ government a few months after its accession to power, in 1908?[2] However, despite all these horrors and many others, a few decades ago there was still a very strong bond between many human beings and their domestic dogs or cats (in Western Europe, at the beginning of this century); war or draft horses; oxen and buffaloes for ploughing. The attachment of the Arab to his horse or camel was proverbial. The progressive mechanisation of the world is now breaking this bond, in all countries.

When I returned to India in 1971, it was a great joy for me to see, in the countryside flooded with monsoon rain, so many good big buffaloes, well-fed, plunged with delight up to their snouts in the innumerable ponds, and ruminating peacefully. There were, and still are, thousands of them. But until when? Until, as elsewhere with horses and oxen, tractors replace them. And tractors are bound to replace them, if ever larger tracts of fertile land are to be stripped of their forests—in India as everywhere—to feed a population whose numbers are doubling every thirty years.

The proliferation of man is, as I have said, at the root of the mechanisation of life: an unthinkable process, because it is perfectly superfluous, in a population as sparse as it was a few millennia ago. On the other hand, medical technology, placed at the service of invasive anthropocentrism, is contributing more and more to the proliferation of man by acting against natural selection. This is a vicious circle that must be broken at all costs. We, the Aryan racists, the followers of Adolf Hitler, were and are the only human beings who are serious about breaking it by giving free rein to saving natural selection. But since the ‘twenty-fifth hour’ had already sounded many years, if not centuries, before 1933, we could not keep the power and win the war.

And the process of the gradual debasement of man, together with the extermination of the noblest beasts and the destruction of the forests—the process of the desecration and uglification of the earth—continues. It can only continue, given the mental attitude of the men now in power.

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[1] Now, in 1976, dogs in Delhi without collars or tags are electrocuted—or sent to the All India Institute of medical sciences for experimentation. This year the municipality has eliminated more than 30,000 of them.

[2] It is interesting to recall that the three main members of the ‘Young Turk’ government—Enver Pasha, Talat Pasha and Essad Pasha—were three Jews whose families had been ‘converted’ to Islam.

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Hinduism Savitri Devi Souvenirs et réflexions d'une aryenne (book)

Reflections of an Aryan woman, 79

But that is still nothing. What is most extraordinary is that this cult of the Führer survived, in this country, the collapse of the Third Reich. I found it alive during my stay in India from 1957 to 1960, and I found it again, to my joy, and despite intensified Communist propaganda, in 1971, and this, I repeat, especially in the circles most faithful to Tradition.

In the book she devoted to India, in the collection Petite Planète, the orientalist Madeleine Biardeau, herself clearly hostile to our Weltanschauung, is obliged to note this with regret, not to say with bitterness. ‘In no country’, she writes, ‘have I heard more praise for Hitler. Germans are praised for no other reason than that they are his countrymen’. [1] And she is also forced to admit that Hindu resentment of British rule—now finished anyway—isn’t enough to account for this worship. The scholar has, underhandedly as one would expect it, an explanation that is suitable for her. The Hindu, she says, feels and honours the presence of the Divine in all that is ‘great in evil’. In other words, he is free from the moral dualism that still underlies, almost invariably, the value judgements of Western man.

This is certainly true. But it does not suffice as an explanation. The only justification for the praise of an Aryan leader who is a stranger to India lies not in the fact that the Hindu easily transcends moral dualism, but in the reason for this fact.

This reason is to be found in the Hindu’s attachment to Tradition, not elsewhere; in his acceptance of sacred knowledge with full confidence, even if he has not acquired it himself.

It is in the name of this more-than-human science that he finds it natural that, under certain conditions, what on the average human scale would seem ‘evil’ is not.

It is in the light of the doctrine of necessary violence, exercised without passion ‘in the interest of the Universe’—i.e., of Life, not of ‘man’—it is in the light of the venerable Bhagawad-Gita that proclaims the innocence of violence of this nature, that the orthodox Hindu can see in the Master of the Third Reich—despite all the propaganda of concentration camps that have saturated all the rest of the men on this Earth for several decades—something other than ‘the incarnation of evil’.

Moreover, it is impossible not to be struck by the similarity of spirit between Hitlerism and, not, certainly, the philosophies of non-violence, which have broken away from the Brahmanical trunk, or the dissident Hindu sects, but the most rigorous and ancient Brahmanism. Both are centred on the idea of purity of blood, and the indefinite transmission of wholesome life—especially the life of the racial elite; the life from which can emerge the man whose self-mastery raises him to the rank of a God. Both exalt war in an attitude of detachment—‘war without hatred’ [2] —because ‘nothing better can happen to the Kshatriya’—or the perfect SS warrior—‘than a righteous combat’[3]. Both establish on the Earth, as do all traditional doctrines, a visible order modelled on cosmic realities and the very laws of life.

This worship of the Führer, surviving in India despite so much enemy propaganda well beyond the disaster of 1945 is, moreover, a proof—if one needed one—that Hitlerism, stripped of its contingent German expression, is also indeed attached to the primordial—Hyperborean—tradition of which Brahminism seems to be the most ancient living form.

It is undoubtedly related to it by what has, despite the imposition of Christianity, survived in Germany of a very old and properly Germanic traditional form, deriving from a common source of the holy ‘Arctic fatherland’ of the Vedas and the Edda.

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[1] Madeleine Biardeau, L’Inde, collection Petite Planète.

[2] This is the subtitle of a post-war book on the career of Feldmarschall Rommel.

[3] The Bhagawad-Gita, Chant II, verse 31.

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2nd World War Hinduism Savitri Devi Souvenirs et réflexions d'une aryenne (book) Third Reich

Reflections of an Aryan woman, 78

I have always, however, been pleasantly struck by the understanding I have encountered, as a Hitlerite, among orthodox Hindus of all castes.

I related at the beginning of these talks the episode of the young Shudra, with the beautiful historical name of Khudiram, who showed more sense of true values—and a more accurate appreciation of Adolf Hitler’s role—than all the Democrats of Europe and America put together. I have also quoted Satyananda Swami, the founder of the Hindu Mission, for whom, however, the creation of a common Hindu front against the clutches of Islam, Christian missionaries, and Communism, counted even more than strict observance of orthodoxy. The latter held our Führer to be ‘incarnation of Vishnu—the only one in the West’.

I could, on this subject, multiply my recollections and recall for example that admirable Brahmin of Poona, Pandit Rajwadé, so versed in the work of Nietzsche as in the sacred texts (which he commented on, twice a week, before a narrow circle of disciples) and who professed the deepest admiration for ‘the chakravarti king [universal ruler] of Europe’ who had come to ‘re-establish the true order’ in a world adrift. I could relate the words of another unusual man—less literate perhaps, but gifted with a strange power of clairvoyance—whom I met at the beginning of the war in a friendly family, of which he was the guru or spiritual master. This wise man said to me: ‘Your Führer can only be victorious because the gods themselves dictate his strategy. Every night he divides himself into two and comes here to the Himalayas to receive instructions’.

I wondered what Adolf Hitler would have thought of this unexpected explanation of the German army’s victories. I then said to the holy man:

‘It is, in this case, unquestionable that he will win the war.’

‘No’ he replied, ‘for there will come a time when his generals will reject his divine inspiration and disobey him—will betray him!’

And he added: ‘It cannot be otherwise; if he is an Incarnation, he is not the supreme Incarnation—the last of this cycle’—Alas!

(City of joy: Calcutta by Samir Barman.) But that’s not all. How could I forget the atmosphere of the orthodox Hindu families with whom I am most familiar? That, for instance, of the house of one of my brothers-in-law, then still living, and a physician at Medinipur, [1] with whom I was staying during the Norwegian and early French campaigns? They all enthusiastically accepted my suggestion to go to the temple of the Goddess Kali—to the ‘House of Kali’ as we say in Bengali—to give thanks to the One who both blesses and kills for the triumphal advance of the soldiers of great German Reich.

We went in procession, carrying offerings of rice, sugar, flour, fruit, garlands of scarlet flowers—in the absence of the bloody sacrifice which the family rejected as much as I did. I can still see myself, surrounded by young people who were also proud of their Aryan ancestry, standing before the terrible Image with the curved sword. Inhaling the smoke of the incense, lulled by the haunting musicality of Sanskrit liturgical formulas, I sometimes closed my eyes to better see in my mind’s eye, like a grandiose fresco, the parade of German armoured vehicles along the roads of Europe.

I lived intensely my role as a link between the oldest living Aryan civilisation in the East and this Aryan West that Adolf Hitler was conquering to return it to itself and regenerate it. Then I looked at my nephews and nieces, and the young Brahmins, their neighbours and fellow students, who had accompanied me. And I dreamed of the day when I would finally see the new Emperor—the eternal Emperor—of the Twilight Lands [Abendland = West], awake and rising from his mysterious cave, and when, greeting him with my outstretched arm, I would say to him, ‘Mein Führer, I bring you the allegiance of the elite of India!’

It didn’t seem an impossible dream then…

How could I forget the general joy in Calcutta—and no doubt in the rest of the peninsula too—at the news of Adolf Hitler’s troops entering Paris or, some twenty months later, at the announcement of the lightning advance of our allies the Japanese to the Assam border and beyond?

The kids themselves, newspaper sellers, their faces radiant, triumphantly threw to the public the names of the captured cities—every news day: Kuala Lumpur, Singapore, Rangoon, Mandalay, Akyab, Imphal in Indian territory—one after the other. The colonial government had banned listening to German radio. People who could hear German were listening to it illegally.

I know Hindus who listened to it without understanding a word just to hear the voice of the Führer. They felt that the One who spoke to the Aryan world in an ‘Indo-European’ language unknown to them was also speaking to them—at least to the racial elite of their continent.
 

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Editor’s note:

Compare this holy euphoria with the way the Americans and the British people reacted to Hitler’s divine voice! Compare it with the red letters in our very long post yesterday (‘American racial history timeline—Or—On Jared Taylor’s cherries’)!

It needs to be said a million times until it is understood: Christianity fried the brains of the Aryan man to the extent that, after WW2, the Aryan man handed over their Abendland to the Jews!

To save the white race from the anti-White war of extermination that the entire Abendland is suffering, it is an absolute categorical imperative to repudiate, with all our being, the accursed religion of our imbecilic parents.

If the Aryans of India had conquered Abendland with their religion, during WW2 Westerners, including the American and English people, would have been as euphoric at the German advance in Europe, and beyond, as these children untainted with a lethal Semitic-Christian poison.

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[1] Still often written as Midnapore: a city in West Bengal.

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Savitri Devi Souvenirs et réflexions d'une aryenne (book)

Reflections of an Aryan woman, 76

I do not want to go into detail about those. That would take the reader too far. But I can’t pass over in silence two organisations which originated in South India: one, the Society of Theosophy in Adyar near Madras; the other, a community formed in Pondicherry around the late Bengali sage, Aurobindo Ghosh.

The first is a vast international institution of subversion in the deepest sense of the word, as Guénon showed very well in his book Le Théosophisme, une fausse religion (a book now almost impossible to find). What it would like to pass off as ‘doctrine’ is a farrago of arbitrary constructions of the mind and of some notions and beliefs whose names—karma; transmigration of souls, etc.—are taken from the Hindu tradition. These notions and beliefs themselves are just as arbitrary, just as unorthodox, as the theories into which they enter—such, for example, as Leadbeater’s idea of the ‘group soul’ of animals; such, also, everything the Theosophists teach about their various ‘Masters’: Kuthumi, Rajkoski, and others. The illustrious Lokomanya Tilak, one of whose works I have quoted above, compared Annie Besant, President of the Theosophical Society until she died in 1933—and for a time President of the Indian National Congress—to the she-devil Putna, who was sent as nursemaid to the Child-God, Krishna, to kill him with her poisonous milk. Tilak hoped that, like the young God who, while assimilating the poison with impunity, finally killed Putna by draining her of all her substance, Hindu society would be able to defend itself, and confound those who try to seduce it with cleverly disguised untruths.

The other institution developed around an apparently genuine sage. However, it tended, already during his lifetime, to fall into the category of a very clever and lucrative business. It bought, one after the other, all the houses in Pondicherry that were for sale, so that in 1960, apart from the centre where a few disciples were engaged in meditation, it included numerous workshops for pottery, carpentry, weaving, etc., the products of which were—and still are—sold for profit; mixed schools, with sports classes, and a university, provided with richly equipped laboratories.

This prosperity is said to be largely due to the business acumen of the Ashram’s ‘Mother’, a woman of Jewish origin, widowed of a Jew and later of a Frenchman[1] and the son she has from her first husband. Members of the organisation, full of both zeal and practicality, and enjoying the confidence of these two people, may also be responsible, each one following his talents. In any case, from the reception room, where numerous photographs, large and small for all pockets, of the late guru and ‘Mother’ are on sale, one is impressed by the business-like atmosphere of the place: an impression that becomes clearer and more intense during a visit to the workshops. And one is reminded, by contrast, of the spiritual radiance that emanates from some of Aurobindo Ghosh’s writings like his commentaries on the Bhagawad-Gita, his Divine Life or his Synthesis of the Yogas. One has the feeling of a profound discrepancy between this more than a flourishing organisation, which covers two-thirds of a city of more than one hundred thousand inhabitants, and the sage who lived there in complete isolation: invisible to the crowd and even to the disciples, except for a few hours a year.

Now, there is a fact that seems to me eloquent, and here it is: amid his traditional civilisation which is still that of India, it is precisely from the most secular, the most ‘modern’, in a word the most anti-traditionalist organisations, that produced the gestures, the writings or the declarations hostile to Hitlerism.

Aurobindo Ghosh, to my knowledge, never expressed a judgment ‘for’ or ‘against’ any of the great contemporary political (or more than political) figures or faiths. He had definitively left action—and what action![2]—for contemplation, and confined himself to the spiritual domain.

But by the end of 1939—or was it 1940?—the Calcutta newspapers published that the ‘Pondicherry Ashram’ had donated ten thousand pounds sterling to the Colonial Government of India ‘to help the British war effort’. Monsieur de Saint-Hilaire, known as Pavitra, secretary of the Ashram, whom I asked about this in 1960, replied that he ‘could not tell me’ whether the information collected and published twenty years earlier in the Calcutta press was correct. But he told me that ‘it might well be’ since Hitlerism was, in his opinion (and no doubt in the opinion of more than one person with influence in the Ashram), ‘against the direction of human evolution’.

Against evolution? You bet! Nothing could be further from the truth! But far from being a reason to fight it, it would be, on the contrary, a reason to support it. Universal decadence is a sign, increasingly visible, that our cycle is rapidly advancing towards its end. Any struggle against it, any return to eternal principles, is necessarily ‘against the direction of human evolution’. It is a phase of the perpetual struggle, against the current of Time. But this is, I repeat, I insist on it, a reason—the imperative reason—to exalt rather than to condemn it.

Furthermore, the leaders of the Theosophical Society—according to René Guénon, masters of counter-initiation, despite their claims to the contrary—proved, during and after the Second World War, how much they hated (and still hate) the doctrine of Adolf Hitler.

Arundale, then President of the said Society, went around India looking for compliant, i.e., purchasable, priests and ordered them to pray for the victory of the ‘Crusade’[3] against National Socialism. And one has only to open any issue of Conscience, the official organ of Theosophy, to see in it, in black and white, anti-Hitler propaganda which has nothing to envy to that of the British or American newspapers of the same period, or even to that of the press of the Soviet Union (after they heard of the rupture of the Germano-Russian Pact of 23 August 1939). It is not only to the supposed invisible ‘masters’ of the Theosophists, Koot Hoomi, Rajkoski, and others, that one attributed ‘secret missions’ for the success of the United Nations.[4]

_________

[1] Mr Paul Richard. Her first husband was called Alfassa. The ‘Mother’, still alive when these pages were written, has since died, in 1973, at the age of 95.

[2] He had, at the beginning of the century, played a leading part in the Bengal ‘terrorist’ (anti-British) movement.

[3] Crusade in Europe is the title of General Eisenhower’s book on his campaign against Germany.

[4] In 1947 Gretar Fels, President of the Reykjavik Theosophical Society, assured me that ‘Master Rajkoski’ had ‘helped the Allies to fight Nazism’.

Categories
Egalitarianism Hinduism Liberalism Racial studies Savitri Devi Souvenirs et réflexions d'une aryenne (book)

Reflections of an Aryan woman, 75

The opinion that Adolf Hitler was an agent of the diabolical forces, that his initiation was only a monstrous counter-initiation, and that his SS Order was only a sinister brotherhood of black magicians, is—without a doubt!—widespread among anti-Hitlerians more or less daubed in occultism (and there is no shortage of them).

The most convincing argument against this seems to me to come from India. In the West, the confusion in terms of knowledge of the principles is such that it’s difficult to say whether there is still a group that can legitimately claim a true filiation with the Tradition. There is therefore no point of comparison between the attitude of true initiates and that of charlatans. According to René Guénon, practically all societies in Europe that claim to be ‘initiatory’ nowadays would be classified under the latter heading. However, it is their members who make themselves heard, who agitate, who take a stand against Hitlerism as Louis Pauwels and the Jew Bergier did, whenever they could, in the magazine Planète. Incidentally, I don’t know of a single European group interested in esoteric doctrines which is not anti-Hitler (I could be wrong, of course; I would like to be wrong on this point).

But the same is not true in India.

For one thing, one is faced with a completely different ‘spiritual landscape’ there. Instead of dealing with groups with more or less ‘initiatory’ claims, moving amid a huge profane society, infatuated with experimental science and ‘progress’ and concerned above all with its material well-being, we are in the presence of a traditional civilisation, very much alive despite the growing influence of technology. The man of the masses, not poisoned by propaganda since he still enjoys the ‘blessing of illiteracy’ (to use an expression dear to the Führer), thinks more about it than the individual of the same social level in the West—which among us is not an achievement! He thinks about it, above all, in the spirit of Tradition as witnessed by the young Sudra whose story I recalled at the beginning of these Memories and Reflections.

The Hindu who has been to school, and even the one who has studied in Europe or the USA, is not hostile to Tradition. He is familiar with the idea of natural hierarchy, of biological, and therefore racial, heredity intimately linked to the karma of each individual. And in the vast majority of cases he lives according to the immemorial rules of his caste—even when the ‘progressive’ government of a so-called ‘free’ India (in reality: a grotesque copy of Western democracies) has proclaimed the abolition of castes and imposed universal suffrage. In some cases, of course, he brings back subversive ideas or shocking habits back from his contacts with foreigners. But then he is scorned by his own, and orthodox society turns away from him—no government having the power to force matters, he has to accept it whether he likes it or not.

As for the traditional initiatory groups and the isolated masters of true secret science, they continue to exist as in the past: in silence, unnoticed by the general public. They keep themselves, in principle, out of the whirlwind of politics, and don’t give press conferences. At most, a word, a reflection formulated with a visitor who respects the Tradition, even if he is not an initiate himself, can sometimes let us guess where the earthly sympathies of this or that sage.

There are also, as is to be expected in an age of universal decadence, people who profess ‘spirituality’ and groups who claim to be transcendent masters and claim to transmit the so-called ‘initiation’ without having a shred of a right to it. There is no shortage of charlatans in orange tunics—or naked, with their bodies covered in ashes—who hang around temples, especially in places of pilgrimage, living by begging or swindling, posing as ‘gurus’ to credulous widows. They are rascals but of small scale and limited harmfulness.

Infinitely more dangerous are those individuals or groups who work to bring to India—as far as possible—the anthropocentrism inherent in religious or political doctrines influenced more or less directly by Judaism or by the Jews. By this I mean all those individuals or groups who, under cover of a false fidelity to Tradition, which they twist and disfigure as they please, preach egalitarian principles, democracy, and the horror of all violence, even if it is detached when this is exerted against ‘men’, whoever they may be—whereas the monstrous exploitation of animals (and trees) by man hardly disturbs them (if they are not completely indifferent there, and even if they don’t justify it!).

I am thinking of all those who claim to pay homage to the ‘true ancient wisdom’ by obstinately denying any natural racial hierarchy, by condemning the caste system to the core, by preaching the ‘right’ of people of different races to marry each other if they believe that in this way they will find their ‘happiness’. I am thinking of those who would like to replace, among Hindus, the old caste privileges with privileges based on ‘education’ (in the Western sense of the word) and the concern for metaphysical orthodoxy with an ever-increasing preoccupation with the ‘social’, the ‘economic’, the ‘improvement of the living conditions for the masses’. I am thinking of the organisers of ‘Parliaments of religions’, of the advocates of a fusion between ‘East and West’ at the expense of the spirit of Tradition, which was originally common to both, and which only Hinduism has preserved as the basis of civilisation; of the missionaries of a universal morality centred on ‘man’, as conceived by both the Christian and the rationalist West.

The ‘mission’ which claims to be inspired by the divine Ramakrishna—a true initiate who lived in the last century—seems to be moving more and more in this direction, under the influence of Western benefactors, especially Americans. But this trend is not new.

More than a hundred and fifty years ago it emerged with the foundation of the Brahmo Samaj, a society of deists deeply influenced by their English university education and the Protestant form of Christianity. This sect, under the pretext of bringing Hinduism back to a so-called ‘original purity’, interpreted it according to that ‘modern spirit’ whose hold on Europe René Guénon so rightly deplored. But, as Guénon says again, its adherents are, despite the social position and, what is more, the high caste of the best known of them, rejected by the orthodox Hindus. The latter refuse to give them their daughters in marriage or to accept their daughters for their sons. And in the villages they would not accept a glass of water from them—and, I repeat, no government could force them to do so. This attitude comes from the fact that the Brahmo Samajists reject the principle of the caste system: the unequal ‘dignity’ of men, according to their heredity. It also comes from the fact that the Brahmo Samaj is not Indian any more than any other like-minded sect is India (for example, the Arya Samaj, which is ‘Arya’ in name only because it also rejects the idea of a natural hierarchy of races).

Categories
Hinduism Liberalism Savitri Devi Souvenirs et réflexions d'une aryenne (book) Technology Who We Are (book)

Reflections of an Aryan woman, 37

India is rapidly industrialising—too rapidly, in the eyes of more than one Hindu who is aware of the dangers of mechanisation—despite the influence of Gandhi and all those who, with him or in parallel with his movement, have militated and still militate for the same reasons as him or others in favour of a systematic encouragement of handicraft. They are industrialising not because the masses aspire, as in Europe, to ever greater comfort but because their leaders have decided to do so. (The masses, for their part, ask for nothing, and would do well without all the ‘progress’ imposed on them!) And the rulers have decided so because they are convinced that only ever more advanced industrialisation could help to absorb the numerous available energies offered by galloping demography from one end of the country to the other, and then make India a modern, prosperous and powerful state, and thus prevent it from falling into the hands of some invader impatient to appropriate the riches of its soil and subsoil. This may be partly true. People who hold this view cite the example of Japan—with little justification, moreover, for they forget that, if we except the Ainos, aborigines driven to the very north of their islands, the Japanese are a people, whereas the Hindus are not, and hopefully never will be. They could only become so as a result of a gigantic intermingling of races, which would result in the irreparable loss of their Aryan and Dravidian elements; their disappearance into a nameless pot, biologically inferior to both, all the more so as the hundred million or so aborigines, and the lower castes containing a high proportion of aboriginal blood would have melted into it.
 

______ 卐 ______

 
Editor’s Note: Savitri and I are different here. I have never visited India and am not interested in doing so. All the Aryans who originally conquered it mixed. There are no longer pure Aryans there. While the ancient Aryan religion of India is worth studying, the current population is almost worthless. It is like Latin America, where the Europeans who conquered it in the 16th century have all mixed up. When I recently spoke about Colegio Madrid and a Nazi classmate with canary-yellow hair, I was referring to the Spanish refugees from the Franco regime who came to this continent a few decades ago. But even many of these leftists have already married mudbloods in my native country.

Savitri didn’t read William Pierce’s book on the history of the white race in which Pierce advised ‘extermination or expulsion’ as the only legit way of Aryan conquest. On this point, the priest of the 14 words (like the Pierce who wrote Who We Are) was wiser than the priestess.

______ 卐 ______

 
But industrialisation always involves the movement and coming together of people, men and women. It is therefore much more dangerous when those whom it brings into contact with each other are, as in India, of different races than when they are of more or less homogeneous origin. So far, less than a quarter of a century after the proclamation of their independence India has—despite partial industrialisation and all the efforts made to level the playing field, despite the official abolition of the caste system by decree of an anti-traditional Government modelled on the democracies of the West—resisted this danger.

I saw this in particular in 1958 in Joda, near Barajamda, and in the whole region around Jamshedpur, which is, or at least was at that time, the largest metallurgical centre in Asia. At that time, the aerial funicular was being built in Joda to transport the iron ore from the top of a hill, where it would be extracted, to the wagons that would receive it at the foot of the hill. I was a ‘site interpreter’ for the duration of the work. I saw the workers, in the corrugated iron room which served as their kitchen, preparing their meals on as many separate stoves as there were castes or rather sub-castes among them, and eating, grouped according to the same principle—each one among his own—to the great bewilderment of the German engineers, directors of the works, to whom this desire for separation seemed all the stranger as they had been told of the ‘abolition of castes’ in democratic India. They were poor Sudras, or less so, but as attached to their ancestral customs as any other orthodox Hindus. And presumably, they were no less insistent on remaining faithful to them, when it was no longer a question of food but of the marriage of their children. One could not help thinking, as one watched them live, that despite the increased importation of Western techniques, the immemorial atmosphere of Hinduism was not about to deteriorate.

And this impression was confirmed, if not reinforced, by the active part that these workers, and all those in the workshops and factories of the region, taking in the celebrations of all time. The same men who during the day had fixed rivets to the pylons intended to support the aerial cables of the funicular, danced until late at night to the rhythm of the sacred drums, repeating the mystic names ‘Hari Krishna!’ in front of the painted earthen statue, where the spirit of the most popular of all gods was supposed to reside for the duration of the festival. And the workers who supervised and maintained the huge ultra-modern machines, most of them imported from Germany, decorated these steel monsters with garlands of red Jaba flowers on the day when all labour ceased in honour of Viswakarma, the ‘Architect of the Universe’, the divine patron of workers. They decorated them with the same love with which their fathers, a generation earlier, had adorned their implements, hammers or pickaxes, with garlands very similar to their own. And the workshops, for once silent, were filled with the smoke of incense. And, unless, of course, he was a proven enemy of Tradition, the stranger who contemplated the scene—men, collected in the thought of the Divine, penetrated by the ritual character of their daily labour, in front of these black metallic masses, from which hung scarlet flowers—envied India, where technology has not yet desecrated work.

He came to wonder why, after all, it had desecrated it. These monstrous machines, half beings half things—‘beings’ insofar as their automatism proclaims the power of European genius, and more particularly of Nordic genius—are, like the sacrosanct Tradition itself, which the Indies inherited from the Sages of Vedic times, products of Aryan intelligence. They illustrate, to be sure, an aspect of that intelligence other than that to which the liberating teaching of the Sages bears witness. But they are, in a different age of the same Time Cycle, products of the conquering intelligence of the same race. By associating them once a year with the ancient cult of Viswakarma, do these brown-skinned men know this in the depth of their collective unconscious? And do they pay homage to the Aryan genius—divine, even in its crudest manifestations of the Dark Ages—as well as to the Creator whose power it reflects? One would like to think so. In any case, such an attitude could only reinforce the spirit of the caste system: the only force that is, in the long run, capable of opposing the biological levelling that mechanisation tends to impose, sooner or later, on a multiracial society, even one as traditionally hierarchical as that of India.

Personally, however, I believe that the possibility of India (as indeed of Japan, or any other country of true culture) retaining its soul while increasingly undergoing the inevitable grip of industrialisation, is linked to the persistence in it of an elite of race and character. This elite is at the same time a spiritual aristocracy, a living guardian of Tradition, in other words, of the esotericism which underlies, from more or less a distance, the usual manifestations of religion, confused with social life. Even the purity of blood in a more or less homogeneous people as a whole—or, in a multi-racial hierarchical civilisation, the continuation of the effective separation of the races—cannot dispense with the need to preserve such an elite at all costs. Without it, the best of the races will eventually become stultified under the ever more powerful influence of technocracy. It will gradually lose its natural scale of values and attach more and more value to purchasable goods. And if it retains some visible manifestations of an ancient faith, these will eventually become so meaningless that people will gradually abandon them, without even being pushed. (For a custom to survive, a minimum of sincere belief must remain attached to it. Who would think, for example, in today’s Europe, of settling a dispute by appealing to the judgement of God through the use of fire or water? And yet, one must believe that these methods were once effective enough to justify them, otherwise, they wouldn’t have been used for so long.)

It is certainly to be deplored that this spiritual elite to which I have referred—in this case, the minority of initiated Brahmins, worthy of their caste—has no more influence on the direction of public affairs in India in our time. And it is perhaps even more unfortunate that so many of those in power in India are staunch opponents of Tradition, anti-racists, poisoned with bad anthropocentrism drawn from the British Liberals, the Christian missionaries, or the Communists—everywhere but the sacred authors who have transmitted the Aryan wisdom of old to India. These people are merely continuing the policy of promoting the most inferior racial elements, begun by the British: the policy of universal suffrage and ‘free, secular and compulsory’ education, instituted by all or almost all the European powers, first at home and then in their colonies; the policy which goes hand in hand with the excessive industrialisation and human pullulation which belated Malthusian propaganda fails to check. However well-intentioned, they are the agents of those Forces of Disintegration which, as the Dark Ages rush to a close, have more and more free rein. There is, of course, no reason why India should not be included in the general decay of the Earth.

It is undeniable, however, that one of the few civilisations that has lasted for millennia and that still lives on its soil, retains, today as in the past, the Tradition that has provided its basic principles from the beginning. Without venturing to make predictions, it seems plausible that, as long as this civilisation remains alive, thanks to the link, however tenuous, that binds it to its true elite, India will not succumb to technocracy, whatever concessions it may be forced to make to subsist in an overpopulated and mechanised world.

Categories
Buddhism Democracy Deranged altruism Hinduism Indo-European heritage Miscegenation Poetry Racial right Racial studies Savitri Devi Souvenirs et réflexions d'une aryenne (book) Third Reich

Reflections of an Aryan woman, 2

Chapter II—False nations and true racism

‘We have to distinguish between the state as a vessel and the race as the content. This vessel only makes sense if it is able to preserve and protect its contents; otherwise it is worthless’.

—Adolf Hitler (Mein Kampf, 1935 edition, page 434)

Do not forget that it is considerations of race which distinguish a real people from a collectivity of men which does not deserve the name.

Such communities can be very different from each other. There are states where the population is a deeply mixed mass, where specimens of ‘pure’ appearance, if there are any, have children who do not resemble them; where children of the same family, who nevertheless seems ethnically homogeneous, are different races: one Negroid, the other Mediterranean, or almost, the third, marked with strong Amerindian characteristics. These are states, not peoples. There is, for example, a Brazilian state. There is a population (multiracial, and without segregation laws) who inhabit Brazil. There are no Brazilian people—nor, therefore, a Brazilian ‘nation’.

There are, on the other hand, states whose populations are made up of several peoples juxtaposed, but not fused together. This is the case of the United States of America [Editor’s note: Remember that this was written in the late 1960s], the Union of South Africa, Rhodesia, the Soviet Union, and India. It is by an abuse of language that one gives to the general population of any one of these States, the name of ‘people’ or of ‘nation’. There is, in fact, no natural link, no biological link, between an ‘American citizen’ of Anglo-Saxon, Irish or Mediterranean origin, and another ‘American citizen’ Negro or mestizo, or Jew…

Moreover, in the USA, as in the so-called ‘racist’ states of Rhodesia and South Africa, and more, Aryans and Negroes belong to the same Christian churches; are Methodists, Anglicans, Lutherans, Catholics or ‘Jehovah’s Witnesses’, as the case may be, but always without distinction of race. Since the realm of the true Christian is not of this world, biological considerations cannot be included…

If, favoured by the diffusion of a uniform way of life as well as of a common ‘knowledge’, and especially of self-distant common anti-racist ‘values’, the gangrene of interbreeding is gradually gaining the entire population, it is, for this, the irremediable decadence: the end of all culture, the end of all disinterested creation, that is to say of any activity other than that which consists in ‘producing’ always more, in order to acquire more and more material well-being. If, on the contrary, it is the healthy tendency of each race to remain separate from the others that prevails, the population will retain its heterogeneity. It will not become ‘a people’—much less a ‘nation’. It will remain what it is, namely a juxtaposition of two or more races living in harmony with each other to the extent that their primary diversity is recognised and accepted. [Editor’s note: Again, writing in the 60s, Savitri ignored that that is impossible in the long run.]

The Union of South Africa, so decried by anti-Hitlerites around the world for its so-called ‘racism’, is not such a multiracial state, or only very incompletely, despite its official program of ‘separate development of races’. It is only very incompletely so because, just like Rhodesia which, for its part, denies exalting racism, and like the USA which, despite the continued resistance of its segregationists, is fighting it, it confuses, as I said earlier, ‘Aryan’ and ‘White’. [Editor’s Note: Living in Mexico I can say that the few Jews I have come to know are phenotypically white, sometimes completely indistinguishable from real Aryans except for their last names (see e.g., here). This means that from now on I will use the terms ‘Aryan’ and ‘White’ as Savitri used them; being the ‘Aryans’ those whites who don’t have Jewish blood, though many Ashkenazi Jews are white: something that Richard Spencer has acknowledged in one of his recent podcasts.]

Far, for example, from removing the Jews from key positions in the country and, in general, from any profession in the exercise of which they are likely to acquire political or cultural influence, it gives them, because of their colour alone, all the advantages enjoyed by the ‘Whites’, advantages that she refuses to the Aryans of Asia, however illogical that is, and that, even if, like most Brahmans and many ‘Khatris’ of Punjab, they are fair complexion. Crossbreeding between Aryans and Jews is not prohibited in the so-called racist Union of South Africa—any more than it is elsewhere. It has never been so in any country of Christian population, if the Jew—or the Jewess—had, by baptism, been received into the religious community of her partner. He was so only in the Third German Reich, a State whose true religion was that of Blood and Soil—and, it is again, since 1955, in the State of Israel, whose people believe themselves, to the exclusion of everything else, ‘chosen of God’.

It is true that wherever there are two or more human races, whose nations all or almost all adhere to a centred religion, like Christianity, in the long run a tendency of interbreeding emerges. All true racism implies the negation of the dogma of the immense value of ‘man’ whoever he may be; the negation of the ‘apart’ character of man, and his integration into all other living species; the negation of the legal equality of ‘souls’ as well as of men’s bodies.

______ 卐 ______

 
I will now tell you about India, so that you can once again be proud to be Aryan.

To understand the history of the peoples who inhabit this vast portion of the continent—which includes, in fact, in addition to the current ‘Indian Republic’, the two ‘Pakistans’[i] and the island of Ceylon; a surface, in all, equal to that of Europe minus Russia—you must refer to the distant time when the first Aryan tribes, coming from the North, descended in successive waves on the Pays-des-Sept-Rivières (the Sapta Sindhu of the Sanskrit Scriptures) by the famous Pass of Khaïber, the Voie des Couquérants.

It was, according to Bal Gangadhar Tilak, commonly called Lokamanya[ii] Tilak; this Brahmin of Maharashtra, both scholar and mathematician, who demonstrated it by astronomical considerations—before the fourth millennium before the Christian era, therefore at the time of the very first Egyptian dynasties, several centuries before the construction of the pyramids of Giza; at the time when, in Mesopotamia, the Sumerian civilisation flourished in its oldest centres: in Erech, in Nippur, in Eridu, some fifteen hundred years before Sargon of Akkad. And the Aryas—which, in Sanskrit, means ‘those who command’, in other words, the men of the race of the lords—came, still according to Tilak, from the far North. They were the brothers of those who, closer to the common cradle of the race, were one day to be called the Germans, the Hellenes, the Latins, and whose languages presented deep similarities with theirs. Their ancestors had lived beyond the Arctic Circle, at a time when the lands of this region still enjoyed a temperate climate—that is to say before the axis of our planet tilted further; twenty-three degrees. They had awaited in worship the return of the Sun—the victory of the Day after the long nights streaked with aurora borealis—and they had sung the splendour of the sky and venerated the stars (the ‘brilliant’ or ‘Devas’) which did not go to bed.

During the centuries that they had taken to cover, in stages, the immense distance which separated them from the divine arctic homeland, the Aryas had preserved some of these hymns. Their bards had composed others, and soon, during the gradual conquest of the hot lands, where to improvise new ones. For a very long time transmitted from mouth to mouth, 1009 of these poems—finally written—have come down to us. The whole constitutes the Rig Veda: the oldest sacred text in India, which pious Brahmans still chant today.

The Aryas were a few thousand—perhaps, over time, a few tens of thousands—in front of all these hostile peoples and tribes, which they called Dasyus, or dwellers of the woods, or the Rakshasas or demons. It is possible that they found, already in force in the society of Harappa and Mohenjo-Daro, a hereditary system of a division of labour. But it was they who gave such a system, if it existed, racial significance, and classified the population of India into immutable castes. They could not do otherwise if they wanted to preserve their physical and moral characteristics for their Aryan race, in other words, if they wanted to survive.

They probably began by mixing freely, if not with the Aborigines at least with the Dravidians, technically more advanced than them until they grasped, in all its tragic horror, the danger of interbreeding. It was then that the caste system was formed: the division of the population of the Indies into a minority of dwijas or twice-born Arya (because they had to know this ‘second birth’ which the spiritual initiation represents), and an immense majority of Shudras, people with dark skin, intended for servile work. At the bottom of the scale—out of all caste—were rejected the Negroids, Negro-Mongoloids and people of the Munda type: the oldest inhabitants of Indian soil. The ‘twice-born’ shared power. Spiritual authority was henceforth the privilege of the Brahmans; temporal power, that of the Kshatriyas; and this power which already gave, in a society much less attached than ours to material goods, wealth, born of commerce, the prerogative of the Vaishyas.

Disinterested scientific knowledge and above all spiritual knowledge was reserved for the Aryas, and very soon only for the Brahmans and Kshatriyas. It was unthinkable that a young Soudra, even exceptionally gifted—and all the more reason a Chandala, below any caste—were taught the supreme truths, or that he was taught to recite, even that recited before him the most beautiful invocations to the Devas or the most powerful ritual formulas. Frightful penalties awaited those who would have dared to transgress this defence, and those in favour of whom, it would have been transgressed.

Since then, many things have happened, many transformations have upset Indian society, like all societies. In spite of everything, forbidden unions took place; children were born whose parents did not belong to the same caste…

One could photograph and classify specimens of all both racial and professional groups in India. We would thus obtain a huge collection of types gradually going from Negroid or even Australoid to pure Aryan—an Aryan often purer than the majority of his brethren in Europe (at least in Southern Europe). There is maybe, very light, with brown or gray eyes (exceptionally blue or blue-green), hair ranging from black to reddish brown, with perfectly Indo-European features. It is little, one will say. This is a lot if we remember that at least sixty centuries separate the present day from the time when the first Aryan tribes emerged from the Khyber Pass.

In any case, the facts that I have just recalled here clearly show that the Indies are no more ‘a people’ than are the United States of America, the Soviet Union or the South African Union.

But there is a difference: while in each of these countries a common dogmatic faith, the dissemination of which is encouraged—and a clearly anti-racist faith, or one concerning the other world and indifferent to racial issues, let it be it is Marxism or any form of Christianity whatsoever—tends, in spite of everything, to bring the races together; constitutes, in any case, a permanent brake on the instinct of segregation, in India, it is the opposite which occurs. There the religious tradition itself proclaims the congenital inequality of ‘souls’ as well as of bodies, and the natural hierarchy of races, dominated by the Aryan race—in exactly the same spirit as Hitlerism—and thus encourages segregation.

Over the centuries, we have tried, either in the name of a philosophy denying Life, or in the name of ‘practical necessities’, to kill this racist tradition. We did not succeed. Buddhism referred its followers to monastic life, but had in practice as a result of mixing the castes without causing the extinction of the human species. He ended up being swept from India. Guru Govinda Singh, the founder of the Sikh warrior sect, had wanted to take his followers from all castes, claiming to take into account only the individual worth of each man. But this concern for combative efficiency, this requirement for essentially Aryan qualities such as the spirit of sacrifice, the sense of responsibility, the joyful acceptance of discipline, even a very hard one, etc., have resulted in it being mostly Hindus from Aryan castes who came to him. One only has to look at the Sikhs to see it. No Government of the present ‘Indian Republic’ will succeed where Guru Govinda Singh and, centuries before him, the Buddha himself, failed…

In other words, India will never be ‘a nation’. Nor will they—hopefully at least—be ethnic chaos without a racial elite: the caste system, even with its current weaknesses, will save them from such a fate. They will remain an association of peoples and races, united by the only common civilisation which is in accord with their natural hierarchy. Because Hinduism is more than a religion in the sense in which we hear this word today in the West. It is a civilisation; a civilisation dominated by Aryan racism, made acceptable to many non-Aryan races, thanks to the dogma of karma and the transmigration of souls.

If one day Hitlerism succeeded in conquering Europe, it seems to me almost certain that over the following centuries the mentality of the average European would come closer and closer to that of the Orthodox Hindu of any caste. I will tell you, as an illustration of this, an episode from my life in India.

It was during the glorious year—1940—shortly after the start of the French campaign. I was living in Calcutta—unfortunately, despite my best efforts, I had not managed to return to Europe in time. And I had a young servant named Khudiram, a fifteen year old teenager, Shudra, from the Mahishya sub-caste (West Bengal farming community), very dark skinned, with slightly slanted eyes, with a flat face—not Aryan at all!—and perfectly illiterate. One morning, coming back from the fish market (where he went every day to buy something to feed the cats) this boy said to me triumphantly: ‘Mem Saheb, I worship your Führer, and wish with all my heart that he wins the war!’

I was speechless. ‘Khudiram’, I said, ‘do you worship him only because you know, like everyone else, that he is victorious? You don’t know anything about the story of his life and his actions’.

‘It may be’, the teenager replied, ‘that I’m just ignorant. But this morning I got to know a grown-up at the market who is at least twenty years old and can read. And he told me that your Führer is fighting, in Europe, in order to root out the Bible, which he wants to replace with the Bhagavad-Gita’.

I was speechless again. I thought, in the blink of an eye: ‘The Führer would be very surprised if he knew how to interpret his doctrine in the Halls of Calcutta!’ Then I recalled a passage from Song I of the Bhagavad-Gîta, as I knew it in the beautiful translation of Eugène Burnouf: ‘From the corruption of women proceeds the confusion of castes—therefore of races. From the confusion of castes comes the loss of memory; from the loss of memory comes the loss of understanding, and of it all evils’.[iii] And I thought, What else has Adolf Hitler done, but repeat these eternal words, and act according to their mind?

I said to Khudiram: ‘The ‘great’ you speak of was right. Repeat what he taught you to anyone who wants to hear you. I give you a day off for this purpose—and a rupee to pay for a cup of tea for your friends. Go, and use your freedom for a good Cause!’

The kid, very happy, was about to leave the kitchen where this interview had taken place. I couldn’t help but hold him back for a moment and ask him what made him so enthusiastically want this ‘New Order’ which, however, hardly favoured people of his race. ‘Do you know, Khudiram’, I said to him, ‘that to replace the Bible with the Bhagavad-Gita in distant Europe and in all the countries which come under its influence, would be equivalent to extending to practically the whole earth a caste system parallel to that of the Indies? And do you know that as Shudra you wouldn’t have any chance of promotion in my Führer’s New Order? And do you love him despite that?’

I will never forget the teenager’s response—the response of the non-Aryan masses in India, loyal to a racist Tradition that goes beyond them, from the mouth of an illiterate youth: ‘Certainly I know that. I want your Führer to win because the order he tries to establish wherever he can is in accordance with the spirit of the Shastras; because it is the divine order; the true order. No matter what place he gives me, to me! I am nothing; I do not count. It’s the truth that counts. If I was born into a very humble caste, it is because I deserved it. I have faulted, and seriously, in my past lives. If, in this life, I remain faithful to the rules of my caste: if I do not eat prohibited foods; if I marry a girl among those that are allowed to me, and do not desire any of the others, I will be reborn a little higher in the scale of beings. And if I persevere, from life to life, in the path of purity, who knows? One day—in many centuries—perhaps I will be reborn as a Brahmin? Or among these new Aryas of Europe who also worship your Führer?’

In successive waves, descended the Khaïber Pass. The child of the Tropics paid homage to them after sixty centuries. And I thought of my German comrades—my brothers in the Hitlerite faith—whose armored divisions then followed each other along the roads of France. The child of the Tropics paid homage to them too, because their faith is the modern expression of the Aryan Tradition of always.

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England’s real crime against India is not to have exploited the soil and the people on an unprecedented scale, but was to have inculcated into the heads of thousands of Hindus of higher castes, anti-racialist democratic principles, anti-traditionalist principles, along with an ominous humanitarianism when not an out-and-out anthropocentrism; and finally to have introduced into the administration of that vast sub-continent such measures as tended to promote the least valuable racial elements of the population.

The whole system was conceived in order to take away from the Hindus, in general, and especially from the high-caste Hindus—i.e., from the Aryan elite of India—every scrap of political power, already within the more and more ‘Indianised’ administration that the British were setting up themselves, before their departure, which they had felt was unavoidable. It was enforced by the authority without appeal of the colonial power. One could not change it. One only could, from an Aryan racialist standpoint, try to limit the mischief that would result out of its applications. And in order to do that, one had to act as though one accepted the absurd principle of the ‘right’ of any majority to power, regardless of its value, simply because it represents the greatest numbers and strive to make the Hindus a majority at the expense of other communities. (Editor’s note: With their obsession with JQ, white nationalists have been blinded to seeing the beam in their own eye – in this case, the egalitarianism imposed on this colony of the British Empire.)

One therefore had to try to give to the most backward of the most degenerate of Aborigines—to the half-savages of the hills of Assam—a (false) Hindu consciousness. One had to bring them to proclaim themselves ‘Hindus’, sincerely, by telling them how tolerant Hinduism is, but by forgetting to mention the caste system that it upholds. One had to try to bring (or rather bring back) the Indian Christian or Muslim (both, as a rule, sprung from low-caste Hindus converted to one of the two foreign creeds) to Hinduism. And for that one had to surmount the repugnance of most Hindus to accept them, for never yet had Hinduism taken back into its fold anyone who had left it or had been expelled from it (and declared Untouchable). One could fall out of one’s caste and land into Untouchable. One could not re-enter it. But one had to change that, if power was not to pass entirely into the hands of the non-Aryan majority of the population of India. For alone could a (false) nationalism—a European style nationalism, necessarily false in the case of any multiracial society—bring about the change and unite the Hindus under a no less false parliamentary system imposed up in them against their tradition, and against the Aryan Tradition, of which their elite had remained up till then the sole depositary.

I was then employed as a lecturer and as a ‘missionary of Hinduism’ by the ‘Hindu Mission’, a half-religious, half-political organisation which, for more than thirty years already, had been striving to recover from Hinduism all those who were (or whose fathers were) out of it, for whatever reason. Full of bitterness towards historical Christianity because of the role it played in the West—ardent admirer of Emperor Julian and Hypatia, no less than of Wittekind—I once introduced myself to the President of the Mission, Swami Satyananda. I had offered my services to him. He asked me what attracted me to India, and I quoted him, translating them into Bengali:

Rama, Daçarathide honoured with the Brahmans,
You whose blood is pure, You whose body is white,
Said Lakshmana, hi, sparkling tamer
Of all the profane races! [iv]

I had told him that I was Hitlerist and Pagan—still regretting the conversion, by snatch or by force, of my native Europe to the religion of Paul of Tarsus—and that I wanted to work to prevent the one and last country to have kept (in part at least) the Aryan Gods—India—from following the bad example of the West and from falling, too, under the spiritual influence of the Jews. I told him I wanted to help make India our ally, in the fight against false ‘values’.

He had accepted me and given me full freedom of expression provided that he told me, I place myself, in my speeches to crowds, ‘from the Hindu point of view’ and that I ‘take into account the particular circumstances from the country’. ‘I consider’, he added, ‘Your Master as an Incarnation of Vishnu, an expression of the divine Force which preserves what deserves to be preserved. And his disciples are in my eyes our spiritual brothers. But you will have to make concessions here, at least as long as the English are there; otherwise you will not be able to compete with the propaganda of Christian missionaries who preach “man”, regardless of race. Think about it!’

I had to ‘think about it’! No appeal to a mass, and especially to a multiracial mass, is possible without certain compromises. We could not ask the Shudras (or the Untouchables) converted to religions of equality, to come out and reintegrate Hinduism, without giving them the impression that they would lose none of their acquired ‘rights’…

The English administration, antiracist in principle (despite a racial segregation limited to worldly relations, and which did not apply to Jews, moreover) made no difference between a Brahmin, Indo-European by blood and mentality, and the last of the Nagas or Koukis of Assam, especially if the latter represented in the Assembly either the Christians or the ‘shudra castes’, that is to say the Untouchables, of his province. It was not my fault if she had this attitude, and if she tended to ‘Indianise’ as much as she could the legislative bodies and the public services, in this spirit that was other than that of decadent Europe; of that Europe which would soon reject Hitler’s renaissance with the stupid vehemence we know.

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If we had won the war, India—that she would have remained ‘British’, which is unlikely, despite the Führer’s desire (before the war) not to touch the British colonial empire—or that it had become independent—would have very quickly got rid of the democratic reforms introduced by the English and would have returned to its immemorial tradition: to the Tradition of the Aryas…

I have often wondered to what extent the few Englishmen who seriously wanted their country’s collaboration with the German Reich—those Englishmen who were, almost all, from the start of World War II, interned ‘preventively’ in the name of the Law 18 B, realised the magnitude of the transformation this would have brought about, and the repercussions it would have on the future of their people and the world. I knew one well—Elwyn Wright, physically and mentally, one of the most beautiful specimens of Aryan that I have met—who was aware of it, and who wanted this collaboration precisely because of that. But how many were there like him?…

One of the tragedies of our time is that, taken en masse, it is the enemies of Hitlerism, and in particular the Jews, and intelligent Christians, who have understood this best. They hated him, no doubt; but they detested him precisely for what makes him greatness and eternity: for his scale of values, centred not on ‘man’, but on life; for its possibility of becoming very quickly—once associated with rites—a real religion. They hated him because they felt, more or less confusedly—and sometimes very clearly—that his victory would mean the end of everything that, for at least two thousand years (if not two thousand and four hundred), the Western world has known and loved; the negation of the values which, for so long, helped him to live.

It should be noted that at least one of the most brilliant French collaborators—and one of those who paid with their life for their friendship for regenerated Germany—Robert Brasillach, himself was aware of the character essentially ‘Pagan’, from Hitler mysticism. He collaborated with Germany despite this; not because of it. And he has on several occasions, in particular in his novel Les Sept Couleurs, underlined the impression of disorientation, of somewhat frightening strangeness, which he felt in his neighbours across the Rhine, in spite of all the weather. Admiration he had for their rebirth, both political and social. ‘It is’, he writes, speaking of Adolf Hitler’s Germany, ‘a strange country, further from us than the most distant India or China, a pagan country’…

Among the French collaborators as well as among the English 18 B’s I have only met very few people who are sincerely Hitlerites, although they are aware of the philosophical implications of Hitlerism. I will say more: there were, even at the time of the greatest glory of the Third Reich, very few true Hitlerites among the millions of Germans who acclaimed the Führer. One of the purest that I have had the joy and the honour of knowing—the Oberregierungs-und Schulrat Heinrich Blume—told me in 1953 that the number of Germans who had given themselves entirely to the Movement knowing fully this they were doing, never exceeded three hundred thousand. We are far from the ninety-eight and a half percent of the voters of the Reich, who had brought the Führer to power! The vast majority of these had voted for the reconstruction of the German economy and the regeneration of the social body, not for the return to the fundamental truths of life and for the ‘fight against time’ that Hitlerism involved, and of which they did not even realise. (Editor’s note: This explains why the Allied denazification process was so easy.)

Even more: there are Germans who—like Hermann Rauschning, the author of the book Hitler Told Me—withdrew from the Movement as soon as they realised the pagan character of Hitler’s Weltanschauung. And it should be noted that they did not realise this until they had gained the Führer’s confidence enough for him to admit them into his small circle of insiders or partially insiders. For there was a difference between the teaching given to the people in general and that which the disciples received; a difference, not in content, but in clarity. For example, Point 24 of the famous ‘Twenty-five Points’ specifies that the Party, while proclaiming the widest religious tolerance, sticks to a ‘positive Christianity’—in other words, to there is something ‘positive’, that is to say true, in conformity with tradition, in historical Christianity—but that it condemns and combats any religion or philosophy ‘which shocks the moral sense of the Germanic race, or which is dangerous to the State’.[v] He (no doubt deliberately) omits to recall that any religion which turns its back on the realities of this world, and in particular on the biological realities, to the point of allowing the marriage of people of different races, provided they are members of the same ‘church’, as well as any religion or philosophy who exalts ‘the man’, even deficient, even to the last degree of physical or moral (or physical and moral) degradation, can only be a public danger, in the National Socialist State.

The Führer defends himself in Mein Kampf from aiming in the least at religious reform. ‘It is criminal’, he writes, ‘to try to destroy the faith accepted by the people, ‘as long as there is nothing that can replace it’.[vi] He further writes that the mission of the National Socialist Movement ‘does not consist of religious reform, but of a political reorganisation of the German people’.[vii] But what he does not write—what he could not write in a book intended for the great mass of a people Christianised since the ninth century and believing himself, at least for the most part, to be Christian—is that any regime based, as was the National Socialist regime, on the negation of the intrinsic value of everything man, regardless of his race and his individual worth, is necessarily the antithesis of a Christian social order. Because every Christian society has for principle the respect of ‘the human being’ created, whatever it is, ‘to the image and likeness’ of a transcendent and personal God, essentially a friend of man. What Adolf Hitler could not tell the masses is that any political regime based on a doctrine centred on Life and its eternal laws necessarily has a more-than-political meaning. His own success depended on the voice of the masses, because we must not forget that he took power ‘legally’, that is to say ‘democratically’.

This more-than-political significance of Hitlerism, only in Germany fully grasped the Führer himself and the National Socialist elite: the initiates of the Thüle-Gesellschaft; the teachers and the best pupils of the Ordensburgen, where the members of the SS were formed. The mass of the people did not feel it, and would have been astonished, if someone had shown it to them, with all its implications; if, for example, someone had made him understand that Christianity and Hitlerism are two different and incompatible paths, open to the Eternal, and that the same person cannot follow both, but must choose. (Editor’s note: Therefore, white nationalists have chosen evil.)

Outside of Germany—and outside of India, of Aryan tradition—a thinking elite loved or feared or hated Hitlerism because of its true nature. The Jewish elite cursed him for reasons far more profound than the secular secret hostility which opposed Israel to the Germanic world. The enormous mass of men from all countries—indifferent to ‘politics’—feared him without knowing exactly why, in reality because they vaguely felt in him the negation of all anthropocentrism; the ‘Starry Space Wisdom’ (as I have called it myself) as opposed to ‘the love of man’ and the concern for his happiness, in this world or in another.

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[i] This was written before East Bengal ceased to be called ‘Pakistan’, to become ‘Bangladesh’, which simply means ‘Bengal’.

[ii] ‘Honoured with men’.

[iii] Bhagawad-Gîta, I, verses 41 and following.

[iv] Leconte de Lisle (The Arc of Çiva; Ancient Poems).

[v] ‘Wir fordern die Freiheit Aller religiösen Bekenntnissen im Staat, solang sie nicht dessen Bestand gefährden oder gegen das Sittlichkeits—und Moralgefühl der germanischen Rasse verstoßen’.

[vi] Adolf Hitler, Mein Kampf German edition 1935, pages 293-294.

[ [vii] Adolf Hitler, Ibid, page 379.