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Ancient Rome Emperor Julian

Gibbon on Julian – 10

Edward-Gibbon

The History of the Decline and Fall
of the Roman Empire

Chapter XXII: Julian declared emperor

Part IV


The numerous army of spies, of agents, and informers enlisted by Constantius to secure the repose of one man, and to interrupt that of millions, was immediately disbanded by his generous successor. Julian was slow in his suspicions, and gentle in his punishments; and his contempt of treason was the result of judgment, of vanity, and of courage.

Conscious of superior merit, he was persuaded that few among his subjects would dare to meet him in the field, to attempt his life, or even to seat themselves on his vacant throne. The philosopher could excuse the hasty sallies of discontent; and the hero could despise the ambitious projects which surpassed the fortune or the abilities of the rash conspirators.

A citizen of Ancyra had prepared for his own use a purple garment; and this indiscreet action, which, under the reign of Constantius, would have been considered as a capital offence, was reported to Julian by the officious importunity of a private enemy. The monarch, after making some inquiry into the rank and character of his rival, despatched the informer with a present of a pair of purple slippers, to complete the magnificence of his Imperial habit.

A more dangerous conspiracy was formed by ten of the domestic guards, who had resolved to assassinate Julian in the field of exercise near Antioch. Their intemperance revealed their guilt; and they were conducted in chains to the presence of their injured sovereign, who, after a lively representation of the wickedness and folly of their enterprise, instead of a death of torture, which they deserved and expected, pronounced a sentence of exile against the two principal offenders.

The only instance in which Julian seemed to depart from his accustomed clemency, was the execution of a rash youth, who, with a feeble hand, had aspired to seize the reins of empire. But that youth was the son of Marcellus, the general of cavalry, who, in the first campaign of the Gallic war, had deserted the standard of the Cæsar and the republic. Without appearing to indulge his personal resentment, Julian might easily confound the crime of the son and of the father; but he was reconciled by the distress of Marcellus, and the liberality of the emperor endeavored to heal the wound which had been inflicted by the hand of justice.

Julian was not insensible of the advantages of freedom. From his studies he had imbibed the spirit of ancient sages and heroes; his life and fortunes had depended on the caprice of a tyrant; and when he ascended the throne, his pride was sometimes mortified by the reflection, that the slaves who would not dare to censure his defects were not worthy to applaud his virtues. He sincerely abhorred the system of Oriental despotism, which Diocletian, Constantine, and the patient habits of fourscore years, had established in the empire. A motive of superstition prevented the execution of the design, which Julian had frequently meditated, of relieving his head from the weight of a costly diadem; but he absolutely refused the title of Dominus, or Lord, a word which was grown so familiar to the ears of the Romans, that they no longer remembered its servile and humiliating origin.

The office, or rather the name, of consul, was cherished by a prince who contemplated with reverence the ruins of the republic; and the same behavior which had been assumed by the prudence of Augustus was adopted by Julian from choice and inclination. On the calends of January, at break of day, the new consuls, Mamertinus and Nevitta, hastened to the palace to salute the emperor. As soon as he was informed of their approach, he leaped from his throne, eagerly advanced to meet them, and compelled the blushing magistrates to receive the demonstrations of his affected humility. From the palace they proceeded to the senate.

The emperor, on foot, marched before their litters; and the gazing multitude admired the image of ancient times, or secretly blamed a conduct, which, in their eyes, degraded the majesty of the purple. But the behavior of Julian was uniformly supported. During the games of the Circus, he had, imprudently or designedly, performed the manumission of a slave in the presence of the consul. The moment he was reminded that he had trespassed on the jurisdiction of another magistrate, he condemned himself to pay a fine of ten pounds of gold; and embraced this public occasion of declaring to the world, that he was subject, like the rest of his fellow-citizens, to the laws, and even to the forms, of the republic.

The spirit of his administration, and his regard for the place of his nativity, induced Julian to confer on the senate of Constantinople the same honors, privileges, and authority, which were still enjoyed by the senate of ancient Rome. A legal fiction was introduced, and gradually established, that one half of the national council had migrated into the East; and the despotic successors of Julian, accepting the title of Senators, acknowledged themselves the members of a respectable body, which was permitted to represent the majesty of the Roman name.

From Constantinople, the attention of the monarch was extended to the municipal senates of the provinces. He abolished, by repeated edicts, the unjust and pernicious exemptions which had withdrawn so many idle citizens from the services of their country; and by imposing an equal distribution of public duties, he restored the strength, the splendor, or, according to the glowing expression of Libanius, the soul of the expiring cities of his empire. The venerable age of Greece excited the most tender compassion in the mind of Julian, which kindled into rapture when he recollected the gods, the heroes, and the men superior to heroes and to gods, who have bequeathed to the latest posterity the monuments of their genius, or the example of their virtues. He relieved the distress, and restored the beauty, of the cities of Epirus and Peloponnesus. Athens acknowledged him for her benefactor; Argos, for her deliverer.

The pride of Corinth, again rising from her ruins with the honors of a Roman colony, exacted a tribute from the adjacent republics, for the purpose of defraying the games of the Isthmus, which were celebrated in the amphitheatre with the hunting of bears and panthers. From this tribute the cities of Elis, of Delphi, and of Argos, which had inherited from their remote ancestors the sacred office of perpetuating the Olympic, the Pythian, and the Nemean games, claimed a just exemption. The immunity of Elis and Delphi was respected by the Corinthians; but the poverty of Argos tempted the insolence of oppression; and the feeble complaints of its deputies were silenced by the decree of a provincial magistrate, who seems to have consulted only the interest of the capital in which he resided.

Seven years after this sentence, Julian allowed the cause to be referred to a superior tribunal; and his eloquence was interposed, most probably with success, in the defence of a city, which had been the royal seat of Agamemnon, and had given to Macedonia a race of kings and conquerors. The laborious administration of military and civil affairs, which were multiplied in proportion to the extent of the empire, exercised the abilities of Julian; but he frequently assumed the two characters of Orator and of Judge, which are almost unknown to the modern sovereigns of Europe.

The arts of persuasion, so diligently cultivated by the first Cæsars, were neglected by the military ignorance and Asiatic pride of their successors; and if they condescended to harangue the soldiers, whom they feared, they treated with silent disdain the senators, whom they despised. The assemblies of the senate, which Constantius had avoided, were considered by Julian as the place where he could exhibit, with the most propriety, the maxims of a republican, and the talents of a rhetorician. He alternately practised, as in a school of declamation, the several modes of praise, of censure, of exhortation; and his friend Libanius has remarked, that the study of Homer taught him to imitate the simple, concise style of Menelaus, the copiousness of Nestor, whose words descended like the flakes of a winter’s snow, or the pathetic and forcible eloquence of Ulysses.

The functions of a judge, which are sometimes incompatible with those of a prince, were exercised by Julian, not only as a duty, but as an amusement; and although he might have trusted the integrity and discernment of his Prætorian præfects, he often placed himself by their side on the seat of judgment. The acute penetration of his mind was agreeably occupied in detecting and defeating the chicanery of the advocates, who labored to disguise the truths of facts, and to pervert the sense of the laws. He sometimes forgot the gravity of his station, asked indiscreet or unseasonable questions, and betrayed, by the loudness of his voice, and the agitation of his body, the earnest vehemence with which he maintained his opinion against the judges, the advocates, and their clients.

But his knowledge of his own temper prompted him to encourage, and even to solicit, the reproof of his friends and ministers; and whenever they ventured to oppose the irregular sallies of his passions, the spectators could observe the shame, as well as the gratitude, of their monarch. The decrees of Julian were almost always founded on the principles of justice; and he had the firmness to resist the two most dangerous temptations, which assault the tribunal of a sovereign, under the specious forms of compassion and equity.

He decided the merits of the cause without weighing the circumstances of the parties; and the poor, whom he wished to relieve, were condemned to satisfy the just demands of a wealthy and noble adversary. He carefully distinguished the judge from the legislator; and though he meditated a necessary reformation of the Roman jurisprudence, he pronounced sentence according to the strict and literal interpretation of those laws, which the magistrates were bound to execute, and the subjects to obey. The generality of princes, if they were stripped of their purple, and cast naked into the world, would immediately sink to the lowest rank of society, without a hope of emerging from their obscurity. But the personal merit of Julian was, in some measure, independent of his fortune.

Whatever had been his choice of life, by the force of intrepid courage, lively wit, and intense application, he would have obtained, or at least he would have deserved, the highest honors of his profession; and Julian might have raised himself to the rank of minister, or general, of the state in which he was born a private citizen. If the jealous caprice of power had disappointed his expectations, if he had prudently declined the paths of greatness, the employment of the same talents in studious solitude would have placed beyond the reach of kings his present happiness and his immortal fame.

When we inspect, with minute, or perhaps malevolent attention, the portrait of Julian, something seems wanting to the grace and perfection of the whole figure. His genius was less powerful and sublime than that of Cæsar; nor did he possess the consummate prudence of Augustus. The virtues of Trajan appear more steady and natural, and the philosophy of Marcus is more simple and consistent.

Yet Julian sustained adversity with firmness, and prosperity with moderation. After an interval of one hundred and twenty years from the death of Alexander Severus, the Romans beheld an emperor who made no distinction between his duties and his pleasures; who labored to relieve the distress, and to revive the spirit, of his subjects; and who endeavored always to connect authority with merit, and happiness with virtue. Even faction, and religious faction, was constrained to acknowledge the superiority of his genius, in peace a swell as in war, and to confess, with a sigh, that the apostate Julian was a lover of his country, and that he deserved the empire of the world.

Categories
Real men

Tribute to Dominique Venner

by Guillaume Faye

Translated by Greg Johnson

Veneer

Dominique Venner’s suicide on May 21 at Notre Dame: Marine Le Pen bowed to this gesture of awakening consciousness, which may seem surprising, but it is to her credit. A topless representative of Femen, a group of feminist buffoons, tried to smear his memory the next day, mimicking his suicide in the choir of Notre Dame. On her flat chest was painted: “May Fascism rest in Hell.” It is the second time that these naked groupies entered the cathedral with impunity, even though there is security screening at the entrance. AFP journalists were notified in advance to cover this “happening” and are therefore probably complicit.

The Leftist media and politicians (especially the pathetic Harlem Désir) together accused Venner, post mortem, of incitement to violence, of provocation. Spitting toads. Clearly Venner’s Roman gesture, as tragic as history itself, scared these people, who spend their whole lives crawling.

Venner has given his death as an example, not from despair but from hope: the symbolic sacrifice encourages our youth, in the face of the ongoing foundering of European civilization in its bloodlines and its values, to resist and fight at the cost of death, which is the price of war. A war that has begun. Venner wanted us to understand that victory can be achieved in the history of peoples if the fighters are ready to die for their cause. It is for the future generations of resistant and fighting Europeans that Dominique Venner gave his life. He was an “awakener of the people,” in the words of his friend Jean Mabire.

And he killed himself, though he was not a Christian in the ordinary sense, on the central altar of Notre Dame de Paris, that is to say, the heart of one of the busiest sacred and historical places of all Europe. (Europe: Venner’s real, authentic homeland, not the marshmallow sham of the current European Union.) Notre Dame, a place of memory much richer than, for example, the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier under the Arc de Triomphe. He wanted to give his sacrifice a special meaning, like the old Roman traditions in which the life of a man, to the end, is devoted to the country he loves and must serve. Like Cato, Venner never compromised on principles. Nor on matters of necessary style—of comportment, writing, and ideas—which have nothing to do with posturing, looks, and pedantry. His sobriety displayed, in essence, the power of his lesson. A distant master, which was not unrelated to the Stoic tradition, a rebel with heart and courage not vanity and imposture, a complete man of action and reflection, he never deviated from his path. One day he told me that you should never waste time criticizing traitors, cowards, self-interested bellwethers; nor, of course, should you forgive them; just ignore them and press on. The silence of contempt.

This is the Dominique Venner who, in 1970, brought me into the Resistance, which I have never denied or left since. He was my recruiting sergeant. His voluntary death — echoing Mishima’s more than Montherlant’s – is a founding act. And it filled me with a joyful sadness, like a flash of lightning. A warrior does not die in bed. The sacrificial death of this man of honor demands that we honor his memory and his work, not to mourn but to fight. But fight for what?

Not just for resistance, but for reconquest. The counter-offensive, in other words. After one of my essays in which I developed this idea, Venner sent me letter of approval in his elegant handwriting. His sacrifice will not be vain or ridiculous. The voluntary death of Dominique Venner is a call to victory.

Categories
Liberalism

Hitch had Jewish ancestry

by Tobias Langdon

Weakness-Upon-the-Goyim

Like his fellow atheist Richard Dawkins, Hitch [Christopher Hitchens] was a devout believer in the Miracle of Human Equality: he was sure that there is only one brain, the Human Brain, and that all human groups have an equal share in it.

Bearing that in mind, please examine this passage from God Is Not Great (2007), Hitch’s best-selling diatribe against religion:

(Read it all at The Occidental Observer)

Categories
Newspeak Psychology Quotable quotes

Psyop

“Racist is a control word for Whites.”

—Robroy

Categories
Yearling (novel)

The Yearling, 9

Now that I have been showing my colors—I believe that during and after the peak oil crises we can only save our white skins by returning to bucolic farming—, my initiative of adding excerpts of Marjorie Kinnan Rawlings’ masterpiece might start to become apparent. But in fact it’s far more than that, as I will disclose in subsequent excerpts. For the moment suffice it to say that in the novel father and son visited grandma again:

In the morning, Penny said, “We got to agree now, will we stay with Grandma Hutto tonight or come home. Do we spend the night, Jody’s got to stay here to milk and feed the dogs and chickens.”

Jody said, “Trixie’s near about dry, Pa. And we kin leave feed. Leave me go, but please let’s stay with Grandma Hutto.”

Penny said to his wife, “You want to stay there tonight?”

“No, I don’t. Her and me don’t never swop much honey.”

“Then we’ll not stay. Jody, you kin go, but no teasin’ to stay after we git there.”

“What must I do with Flag? Cain’t he foller along so Grandma kin see him?”

Ma Baxter burst out, “That blasted fawn! They ain’t never been such a nuisance on the place, even countin’ you.”

He said with hurt pride, “I reckon I’ll jest stay here with him.”

Penny said, “Now boy, tie up the creetur and fergit him. He ain’t a dog, he ain’t a young un, though you’ve near about made one outen him. You cain’t carry him places like a gal would a play-dolly.”

For sheer jealousness that a blonde married grandma’s son the Forresters (pic below) committed a mean act:

Penny said, “Must be a woods fire some’eres. Oh, my God.”

ForrestersThe position of the fire was unmistakable. Around the bend of the road, down the lane of oleanders, flames were shooting high into the air. Grandma Hutto’s house was burning. They turned into the yard. The house was a bonfire. The flames showed details of the rooms within. Fluff ran to them, his tail between his legs. They jumped down from the wagon.

Grandma called, “Oliver! Oliver!”

It was impossible to approach within yards. Grandma ran toward the blaze. Penny pulled her back.

He shouted above the roaring and crackling, “You want to git burnt to death?”

“Oliver’s there! Oliver! Oliver!”

“He cain’t be. He’d of got out.”

“They’ve shot him! He’s in there! Oliver!”

He struggled with her. In the bright light the earth was plain. It was cut and trampled with the hooves of horses. But the Forresters and their mounts were gone.

Ma Baxter said, “There’s jest nothin’ them black buzzards won’t do.”

Grandma Hutto fought to break free.

Penny said, “Jody, for the Lord’s sake, drive back to Boyles’ store and see kin you find somebody seed where Oliver headed when he left the boat. If there’s nobody there, go on to the doin’s and find out from the stranger.”

Jody clambered to the wagon seat and turned Cæsar [the horse] back up the lane. His hands seemed wooden and he fumbled with the reins. He was panicked and could not remember whether his father had told him to go first to the doings or first to the store. If Oliver was alive, he would never be unfaithful to him, even in his mind, again. He turned into the road. The winter night was bright with stars. Cæsar snorted. A man and woman were walking down the road toward the river. He heard the man laugh.

He cried, “Oliver!” and jumped from the moving wagon.

Oliver called, “Now look who’s drivin’ around by hisself. Hey, Jody.”

The woman was Twink Weatherby.

Jody said, “Git in the wagon, quick, Oliver.”

“What’s the hurry? Where’s your manners? Speak to the lady.”

“Oliver, Grandma’s house is a-fire. The Forresters done it.”

Oliver tossed his bags into the wagon. He lifted Twink and swung her to the seat, then vaulted the wheel and took the reins. Jody scrambled up beside him. Oliver groped with one hand inside his shirt and laid his revolver on the seat.

“The Forresters is gone,” Jody said.

Oliver whipped the horse to a trot and turned down the lane. The frame of the house stood revealed around the flames, as though a box enclosed them. Oliver caught his breath.

“Ma wasn’t in it?”

“She’s yonder.”

Oliver stopped the wagon and they climbed down.

He called, “Ma!”

Grandma threw her arms in the air and ran to her son.

He said, “Easy, there, old lady. Quit tremblin’ now. Easy.”

Penny joined them.

He said, “No man’s voice was never more welcome, Oliver.”

Oliver pushed Grandma aside and stared at the house. The roof crashed and a fresh blaze leaped to the moss in the live oaks.

He said, “Which-a-way has the Forresters gone?”

Jody heard Grandma murmur, “Oh God.”

She braced herself.

She said loudly, “Now what in tarnation you want o’ the Forresters?”

Oliver wheeled.

“Jody said they done it.”

“Jody, you fool young un. The idees a boy’ll git. I left a lamp burnin’ by a open window. The curtain must of blowed and ketched. Hit worried me all through the evenin’ at the doin’s. Jody, you must want a ruckus mighty bad.”

Jody gaped at her. His mother’s mouth was open.

Ma Baxter said, “Why, you know–”

Jody saw his father grip her arm.

Penny said, “Yes, son, you got no business thinkin’ sich things of innocent men is miles away.”

Oliver let out his breath slowly.

He said, “I’m shore proud ’twasn’t their doin’. I’d not of left one alive.” He turned and drew Twink close to him. “Folks, meet my wife.”

Grandma Hutto wavered, then walked to the girl and kissed her cheek.

Grandma had to say goodbye to Florida and move to Boston with her son after the destruction of her homely, country cottage:

“Good-by, Grandma! Good-by, Oliver! Good-by, Twink!”

“Good-by, Jody–”

Their voices trailed away. It seemed to Jody that they were moving away from him into another world. It was as though he saw them die. There were rosy streaks across the east but the daylight seemed even colder than the night had been. The ashes of the Hutto house glowed faintly.

The Baxters drove home toward the scrub. Penny was wracked with sorrow for his friends. His face was strained. Jody was swept with so contradictory a tumult of thoughts that he gave up trying to sort them and snuggled down on the wagon-seat between the warmth of his mother and father.

But there still was consolation:

The cabin waited for him, and the smoke-house full of good meat, with old Slewfoot’s carcass added to it, and Flag. Above all, Flag. He could scarcely contain himself until he reached the shed. He had a tale to tell him.

Categories
Audios Energy / peak oil Eschatology

Sebastian discusses peak oil with skeptics

sebas

A fascinating interview of Sebastian Ernst Ronin (photo) with Joe and John on The White Voice. And not only about why peak oil should be the central subject among ethno-nationalists. Sebastian also answered tough questions from the interviewer about why he had been critical of Christian Identitarian Matt Heimbach.

Since most nationalists are willfully illiterate about the total energy devolution that is coming—very few know that America’s bottom will drop out within our lifespans—, I agree with Sebastian that his party “is the future.” I also agree that there is no record in revolutionary history that the faction that will become the dominant ideology can do it through courteous diplomacy with the competing groups and without any in-fighting.

Listen to the interview starting in minute 52 (here)!


Update of 8 December 2015:

I have now distanced myself from Ronin’s party. Admitting women in the inner party is almost like admitting Jews.

Categories
Eschatology

Kai Murros

Kai_Murros

The recent video-post in Murderbymedia was re-blogged on Mindweapons in Ragnarok, who commented:

Kai Murros [pic above] saying exactly the same thing this blog harps about—liberalism and its project of remaking White Human Nature into a race of submissive doormats is going to fail hard as the economy contracts and people are in a struggle for survival. Struggle will bring out White Human Nature at it’s finest; red in tooth and claw.

I can agree no more. See also: here.

Categories
Indo-European heritage Newspeak

Get rid of Christian newspeak

by Manu Rodríguez

 
Newspeak

It always seems to me that the words are to be used in a certain way. We must think the words. Before using a word we should weigh it, measure it, investigate it from the beginning and set certain (even personal) criteria for their use, and stick to these criteria. We must also notice the semantic versatility of the multiple uses of the terms of the language, their evolution, and possible manipulation.

The processes of acculturation and enculturation we suffered after the Christianization of our peoples also brought some semantic changes, and the reprocessing or re-interpretation of certain concepts (religion, sacred, profane, heathen).

We have, for example, centuries considering as secular the institutions and traditions that are not specifically Christian. The Christian priests applied, and taught us (forced us, rather) to apply the term “sacred” only to the Judeo-messianic tradition. Our traditions, institutions, and customs (Greek, Roman, Germanic, Celtic…) were disallowed, deconsecrated. Is not this a linguistic-cultural tort to be corrected, or straighten? How can we give the blind eye to this deception? It affects us, it’s about us, about our past.

Another change we had with the term “pagan,” which designates the customs and traditions of the peasants, and the peasants themselves. It came to refer to all non-Christian individuals, peoples, or cultures. This was a pejorative use of the term, since the term “pagan” had connotations with terms like uneducated, uncultured or uncivilized. This shift in meaning came to say that what was cultivated or civilized was on the Christian side, and that the pagan was the wild, the uneducated, the rustic, the unlearned…

We exclude, therefore, the word “pagan” from our vocabulary. We are not “pagans” or “neo-pagans” but Aryans and have (or had) our cultures: Greek, Roman, Germanic, Slavic, Celtic… Those are the derogatory terms that Jews, Christians, and Muslims have used or use to refer to the people who still have their own cultures and traditions; peoples not yet alienated or contaminated: those who do not follow the game.


_____________

See the rest of Manu’s entry, “Sobre el valor de las raíces culturales de los europeos” at his blog, where Manu mentions Guénon and Evola in negative terms.

Categories
Democracy Hermann (Arminius) Individualism

Morgenrot reviews part of Hellstorm

>Thomas Goodrich’s Hellstorm: The Death of Nazi Germany, 1944–1947

I have read part of Hellstorm. It is difficult to go on to read page after page of unimaginable crimes committed against Germany and the German people. To draw such hellish hatred from the Good People one has to suppose that Germany holds a key position in world history.

And I think that German being has always gone beyond commerce, power, domination, money, but has striven for an earthly ideal of human freedom and communion with nature which sheds the primitive value system of gold, avarice and covetousness. I can’t put my thoughts more succinctly and less flowery at this point, but it is clear that Germanity is unlike other manifestations of being. I think that the German soul has a genuine way of being happy within this world, perhaps because the old gods hold still sway and make their presence felt.

Pope and Emperor, Church and Reformation, Paganism and Christianity, Democracy and Leader Elect have found their strongest contrary expressions in Germany and for the time being Democracy has won out as Western-style Parliamentarism with all its degeneracy, venality, mendacity, hypocrisy, the exact opposite what Germanic community is: Independence and faithfulness to an elect leader, putting community before individuality as the utmost guiding principle.

I have recently acquired some books on the anti-German propaganda in the English-speaking world. As difficult as it is to read Goodrich’s Hellstorm, as difficult it is to read Vansittart’s writings.

This man carries a large part of the burden of criminal guilt in inciting unrelenting hatred against Germans and Germany and to bring to an end Europe’s development towards freedom for its people and freedom for its manifestation in the world. Even in 1943 (Lessons of my Life) when the million-fold murder resulting from his and other’s instatement to hatred and inhumanity was daily broadcast, he continues to utter his ideas of the German lust for world conquest, even manifest at the time of Hermann the Cherusker who fought against the Romans in Germany.

Apparently, if Germans wanted foreign powers not to mingle in their affairs this was an expression of bellicosity and a plan for world domination, and so it is today.

To understand why that should be so is a key element in history.

Source: here

Categories
Autobiography Mexico City

p.s.


Slightly edited, the following is one of my comments from the previous thread:

About the 1920 photo I forgot to add that the clothing in the background was the factory’s product: they used to sell that stuff.

casa afrancesada

Above, a very Frenchified house in the early 1920s in Mexico City, certainly the blacksmithing is pre-art nouveau, where some of the family I mention in the previous post appear (plus my grandma from my mother’s side). The men on dark suits are not family members.


Below right, my grand-grandmother María (a friend says I look like her!), who I still met as a small child when she was much older. When she was a girl her hair, still kept by my mother, shows she was blond.

abue maria
mi tia mina

Left, my aunt Mina (María’s daughter), mentioned in the post, in her teens (her daughter Blanquita appears at the top of the previous entry).

boboyo conmigoRight, my cousin Rodolfo, also mentioned in the previous post (his father, the big fan of Hitler), with me lifting my arm as a child (I don’t want to use more recent pics of him or of my late uncle; people might recognize him in San Jose, Ca.).

tias abuelas con tio pepe piano

Above: The interior of the house: Roberto Martínez’s mansion (my grand-grandfather). The picture on the wall was the family’s priest, “Papito.” My Uncle Pepe plays the piano (the guy sitting next to him, Andrés, was not a family member; nor the guy who’s standing, presumably the butler). My grandmother is sitting next to Andrés (this guest also appears in the photo at the top).

The woman sitting between my grandma and my aunt Mina is another guest. My godmother Josefina is the child on the floor (Mina and Josefina were the sisters of my grandma). All people of the photo have passed away: my godmother, the youngest of them, passed in 2005; my grandma, in 2008.