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Category: Mein Kampf (book)

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'Hitler' (book by Brendan Simms) Mein Kampf (book)

Hitler, 51

The principal method through which Hitler sought to re­establish control over the party was through ideological purity and coherence. He did this the hard way, seeking to achieve uniformity across a range of highly contentious issues. Hitler could not simply impose his views: he had to cajole and persuade. This was done through speeches, declarations, debates and, from the end of 1925, through the publication in succession of the two volumes of Mein Kampf. These were only partly written from scratch at Landsberg and after his release, the rest being cobbled together from various articles and instructions, and even from drafts dating back to before the Putsch. Much of Mein Kampf originated as a direct response to the political events of 1925-6, and Hitler used the text to lay down the law, at least implicitly, not just to the membership but also to his internal critics. For this reason the book needs to be seen in the context of the many contemporaneous statements he made before and after publication…

Much of what Hitler said in Mein Kampf and his various speeches rehearsed familiar themes from the time before the Putsch. There was the same focus on the forces of domestic fragmentation. Hitler inveighed once more against the ‘mendacity of these so-called federalist circles’ who were only promoting their ‘dirty’ party interest. He continued to fulminate about the disintegrative effect of Marxism, and to lament the alienation of German workers. Hitler rose to new heights of invective against the German middle class, whom he dismissed as ‘philistines’, ‘bourgeois boobies’, who were so befuddled by the ‘fug of associational meetings’ that they were unable to transcend the ‘usual jingoism of our bourgeois world of today’. He contrasted the robustness of the SA, who knew that ‘terror can only be broken by terror’, with ‘bourgeois wimpishness’. Hitler also trenchantly restated his objections to parliamentarism and electoral politics, and western democracy in general, concluding that the ‘majority principle’ amounted to ‘the demolition of the Führer idea as such’.
 

______ 卐 ______

 
Editor’s note: In the American racial right I have never seen a critical attitude to democracy, which we could define as the secular religion of the ‘divine right of the people’. Nor do we know a critique of the bourgeoisie. Fortunately, today’s progressive religion is so delusional that even the rich of Pacific Palisades in California are, at this very hour, being punished by the loss of their mansions. The time will come when the whole American nation will go up in flames, when its precious dollar will collapse (a crisis that, fortunately, will also affect the rest of the degenerate, Mammon-worshipping West)…
 

______ 卐 ______

 
The main danger of Germany’s internal weakness was that it made her vulnerable to external attack, especially from the enemies that Hitler feared most: international capitalism, Anglo-America and the associated forces of world Jewry. Hitler critiqued the economics of inequality and exploitation, the ‘jarring juxtaposition of poor and rich so close to each other’, the ‘role of money’, in which ‘money [became] God’ and ‘the false God of Mammon was offered incense’. He became increasingly convinced that ‘the heaviest battle to be fought was no longer against enemy peoples but against international capital’. Here Hitler insisted more than ever on his earlier distinction between national capital, which the state could control, and pernicious international capital, which controlled states or sought to do so. One of its principal instruments of subjugation was revolutionary Marxism, which undermined national economies, societies and governments. Others were economic immiseration and racial contamination, both of which also reduced the capacity of nations to resist international takeover. For Hitler, maintaining an independent national economy was therefore absolutely central to the defence of national identity, sovereignty and racial purity. Hitler violently objected to international capitalism even when it was not Jewish, but he assigned the Jews a particularly malevolent role within the global capitalist system; this remained the principal root of his anti­semitism. In Mein Kampf, as in his earlier rhetoric, Jews were inseparably linked with money and the whole capitalist system as ‘traders’, as ‘middlemen’, who levied an ‘extortionate rate of interest’ for their ‘financial deals’. Jewry, he claimed, aimed at nothing less that the ‘financial domination of the entire economy’. Yet because ‘a Bolshevized world can only survive if it encompasses everything’, a ‘single independent state’—such as a revived Germany—could bring the whole juggernaut to a standstill…

Hitler returned to this theme in Mein Kampf, when he said that ‘for purely emotional reasons one should not show the masses two or more enemies, because this would otherwise lead to a complete fragmentation of their striking power’…

Hitler’s rhetoric was thus far more anti-capitalist than anti-communist: references to Dawes in his speeches dwarfed those to Lenin at this time. He continued to fear Bolshevism, not in the form of the Red Army, but principally as a virus which would render Germany ripe for takeover by the forces of international capitalism.

Worse still, Hitler claimed, international capitalism sought to destroy the German bloodline by ‘contamination through Negro blood on the Rhine’ (an allusion to colonial soldiers in the French forces of occupation) in order to ‘begin the bastardization of the European continent from its central point’. Contamination of the blood, he warned, could only be removed in the course of ‘centuries, if at all’. In this narrative, German mass emigration took on a particular importance. Hitler saw it as part of a concerted plan to destroy the biological substance of German people going back centuries. ‘The German people had to send out their sons,’ Hitler lamented, with the result that for some three hundred years, Germans had served as ‘beasts of burden for other nations’ and had moved to ‘Australia, Central America and South America’. He would return to this theme over and over in the years to come.

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Mein Kampf (book) Philosophy

Fall

Jaime Lannister pushes Bran Stark.

‘Every flight begins with a fall’, said the three-eyed raven to Bran the Broken.

Given that this blog’s subtitle has been ‘National Socialism post-1945’ since yesterday, I would like to offer my humble comments on the previous post. Below I quote a few paragraphs from The Lightning and the Sun, considered by some to be the magnum opus of Savitri Devi, Hitler’s priestess after the fateful 1945.

All everlasting things are born in silence and away from the lime-light of publicity; in faith and in truth.

Following the metaphor of my featured post, this reminds me of the words of the three-eyed raven to Bran the Broken: ‘Darkness shall be your cloak, your shield, your mother´s milk. Darkness will make you strong.’ The raven is talking about the power of magic, specifically, the kind he himself practices: invisible, omniscient (or at least the wisest mind), working subtly behind the scenes. Bran wanted to be a knight to make a difference in the world. The raven is telling him that it won’t happen the way he originally imagined because Jaime broke his spine, but it could still happen differently.

At present, the National Socialist is as handicapped as Bran. But precisely because of this handicap he can potentially become wise if he stays in the cave long enough: something the knights who now triumph in the world cannot do.

And whatever is not born in such a manner, does not last. However noisy and widespread be its success, it will not stand the test of time and that of persecution, let alone the terrible impact of the storm in which a Time-cycle comes to its end.

Those conservative knights who feel their time has come with Trump’s victory will not last long, since their egalitarian and mongrel ideology (cf. what Morgan recently said at the end of this post) also leads to Aryan extinction. Savitri quotes Mein Kampf:

We have to fight to secure the existence and expansion of our race and of our people; to enable them to nourish their children and to preserve the purity of their blood; to secure the freedom of our Fatherland...

So it was not David Lane who first uttered the sacred words, but Uncle Adolf. Therefore, I would like to clarify something about the other indented quotes in the previous post, which are also taken from Mein Kampf.

I have said that I don’t like Hitler’s best-known book because it isn’t a sufficiently lyric work. I would like to clarify that statement.

Two books that have revolutionised my mind are Bernal Díaz del Castillo’s The True History of the Conquest of New Spain (i.e., Mexico) and Alexandr Solzhenitsyn’s The Gulag Archipelago. However, both books are flawed because of the inordinate length of the texts. People I know are advised to read Bernal’s until the conquest of Tenochtitlan. A good editor would have cut the book in half to make it read like a novel. But Spanish-speaking editors haven’t been as clever as Edward E. Ericson Jr. was in abridging the Archipelago in such a way as to make it readable and highly entertaining for the common reader.

The same must be said of Mein Kampf: it needs someone like Ericson to abbreviate it. Once abridged, Mein Kampf would be as entertaining as Bernal’s or Alexandr’s. It could even be read by alienated whites with the same entertainment as it is now possible to read Hitler’s Table Talk. Savitri continues:

And aware of the primary cause of downfall: racial mixture, the result of forgetfulness of Nature’s truth. And aware of that truth, expressed in the oldest Book of Aryan Wisdom, the Bhagavad-Gita: ‘Out of the corruption of women proceeds the confusion of races; out of the confusion of races, the loss of memory; out of the loss of memory, the loss of understanding; and out of this, all evil.’

If we recall the recent photo I posted about the Indian woman the US vice-president-elect married (an Indian woman who could be the first lady in 2029), it will be more than clear that the trumpets of victory being blown by the racial right lack the depth of darkness that is the mantle and milk that Bran the Broken is fed.

…his [Hitler’s] ultimate aim remained to raise her [Germany] to that organised power which, in the light of traditional Wisdom, can only be termed as a ‘State against Time’—nay, the ‘State against Time.’

The triumphant knights ignore that it is not their country but Germania the state that rebelled against the Christian zeitgeist, and that only by adopting National Socialism could the Aryans save themselves on this side of the Atlantic (something Rockwell saw clearly but Pierce and his epigones have utterly failed to see).

They beheld in him the Leader, the Avenger, the Saviour—the living embodiment of their unvanquished collective Self, which indeed he was. And they followed him blindly. Their love carried him to power; their love, and their hatred for those whom he rightly pointed out to them as the promoters of the humiliation of 1918 and of all the subsequent misery: the Jews, and the servants of Jewry, agents of the Dark Forces by nature or by choice, Germany’s—and the world’s—real enemies.

My emphasis in bold. It should come as no surprise that a nation that began with the myth of founding a Zionist citadel atop a hill is as it is today. By destroying Germania this nation became the enemy of Europe. If National Socialism can no longer resurface on the continent where I live, it should resurface in the Old World.

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Lightning and the Sun (book) Mein Kampf (book)

The Lightning

and the Sun, 7

Adolf Hitler’s second and even more shattering experience of the horror of the present Age began on the 10th of November 1918, as he stood, half-blind from the effects of poisonous gas, among his wounded comrades in a hospital hall at Pasewalk in Pomerania, and heard from the clergyman the latest news: the ‘November revolution’ and Germany’s capitulation; the tragic end of the first World War.

More than four years before, he had joined the war with enthusiasm, as a volunteer in a Bavarian regiment, not in an Austrian one, clearly showing thereby that he was prepared to die anytime for the German people and ‘for the Reich that embodied them,’[1] though not for ‘the State of the Habsburgs’—that artificial State of many nationalities. For he considered the war in no way as an Austrian concern, but as a struggle of the German people (including, naturally, those of Austria) ‘for their existence’[2]—as a just war. And, he had done his duty thoroughly; faithfully. And although he had, for months already, (especially since the general strike of 1917) been fearing —feeling—that some diabolical traitors’ intrigues were being carried on to rob the German front-soldier of a victory which he well deserved, yet he had not expected such an end, and so suddenly….

The grief, the indignation and temporary despair that took him over as he abruptly acquired ‘the most horrible certitude in his life’[3] are so eloquently described in Mein Kampf that nothing can throw more light upon the future, Führer’s state of mind than an extensive, quotation of his own words:

I could not remain any longer’ (i.e. remain hearing the news). ‘While my eyes once more stared into darkness, I sought my way back to the dormitory, threw myself upon my bed, and buried my burning head under the quilts and pillows.

Since the day I had stood before my mother’s grave, I had not wept. When, in my youth, Destiny had been mercilessly harsh to me, I had faced it with growing defiance. When during the long years of the war, death had taken many a dear comrade and friend of mine from our ranks, it would have seemed to me nearly a sin to complain—for they had died for Germany. And when, in the days of the terrible struggle, the slowly advancing gas had taken me in its grip, and begun to gnaw into my eyes, and when the fear of becoming blind for ever had made me feel, for a second, as though I would weaken, the voice of conscience had thundered to me: ‘Miserable wretch! You feel like weeping, while thousands are faring worse than yourself!’ And I had put up with my lot in silence. But now I could not help weeping. Now I experienced how completely every personal suffering fades away before the misfortune of one’s Fatherland.

So, it had all been in vain! In vain all our sacrifices, and all the hardships we had endured; in vain, hunger and thirst, for months without end; in vain, the hours in which, facing the terror of death, we had yet done our duty; and in vain, the death of two million men! Would not the graves of the hundreds of thousands who had gone forth full of faith in the Fatherland, never to return, break open and release the dumb heroes covered with mud and blood,—release them as revengeful spirits among the people at home, who had treated so disdainfully the highest sacrifice which a man can offer his country? Had they died for that, the soldiers of August and September 1914? Had the regiments of volunteers, in the autumn of the same year, followed for that the elder comrades? Had those boys of seventeen sunk for that into Flanders’ earth? Was that the object of the sacrifice that German mothers had brought the Fatherland when, with a grieving heart, they had sent the boys to their duty, never to see them, again? Had all that happened in order to enable, now, a handful of criminals to set their grip upon the Fatherland?!! … The more I tried, then, to think clearly about the monstrous event, the more my forehead burnt with indignation and shame. What was all the pain I felt in my eyes, compared with this wretchedness?

What followed, were appalling days and still worse nights. I knew that all was lost. Only fools—fools or … liars and criminals—could put their hope in the enemy’s mercy. During those nights, hatred grew in me, hatred against the originators of that deed.

In those days, I also became aware of my destiny. Now, I could only laugh at the thought of my own future, that had caused me such bitter worry only a short time before. Was it not ridiculous to build houses upon such foundations as this? At last it was clear to me that the very thing which I so often already had feared, without ever being able, in my heart, to believe it, had now happened.

Emperor William the Second had been the first German emperor to hold out his hand to the leaders of Marxism, in a gesture of reconciliation, without knowing that rascals have no honour. While they still held the Emperor’s hand in one of theirs, their other one was already seeking for the dagger.

With Jews, no pactising policy is possible, but only that of the hard ‘either—or.’

‘I decided to become a politician.’ [4]

This heart-rending autobiographical account could—historically—be described as: the passage of National Socialism from the stage of an expectant or latent incarnate Idea, to that of an active one.

Surely the incarnate Idea is, when not as old as Adolf Hitler himself, at least as old as his earliest awakening to socio-political, nay, to philosophical consciousness in general. And that took place very early: already in Linz, when not before. Yet, then, and in Vienna, although his interest in social and political problems grew and grew with the daily experience of injustice and misery, and still in Münick, after 1912, the future ruler continued to think of himself primarily as of a future architect. There may have been moments, of course, in which he thought, or at least felt, differently. There were such moments—one such moment at least, and a great one,—already in his life in Linz, if we are to believe Kubizek’s account of it.[5] But the artist’s immediate goal soon reappeared. Horrible as—in Vienna, at any rate—many of them doubtless were, the experiences of daily life were not sufficiently appalling to push it out of sight altogether. Nay, during the war, when more and more aware of the necessity of opposing to the forces of international Socialism a national organisation which would be free from the weaknesses of the Parliamentary system, Hitler had begun to think seriously of becoming politically active, he had merely visualised himself speaking in public ‘while carrying on his profession.’[6] Now, his profession, nay, his art,—for he still was, and could but remain, fundamentally, an artist,—was out of question. Every activity which was not to contribute directly and immediately to free Germany from the consequences and specially from the causes of defeat, was, out of question; and that, not merely because Adolf Hitler loved Germany above all things, but because that more-than-human intuition that classes him among the few great seers of mankind, told him that Germany’s real, deeper interest was—is, absolutely,—the real interest of Creation;—the ‘interest of the Universe,’ again to quote the immortal words of the Bhagavad-Gita. (And it is not an accident,—not a mere coincidence,—that I, a non-German Aryan intimately connected with England, Greece and India, should stress this fact. It is a sign; a symbol; the first expression of the homage of worldwide Aryandom to the latest Man ‘against Time’ and to the truly chosen Nation).

Out of the abyss of powerless despair—from that bed of, suffering upon which the nameless corporal Adolf Hitler lay weeping over Germany’s fate while his blinded eyes burned in their sockets, like red-hot embers; out of his appalling certitude that ‘all was lost,’ that ‘all had been in vain’—rose the defiant Will to freedom and Will to power of an invincible people and, beyond that, and greater than that, the perennial cosmic Will to Perfection in all its majesty; the will of the German soldier who had fought in Flanders and—identical to it; expressing itself through it,—the impesonal and irresistible Will of the eternal Warrior and Seer above Time and ‘against Time’; the Will of Him Who comes back age after age, ‘when all is lost,’ ‘when evil rules supreme,’ to re-establish on earth the reign of Righteousness.

From then onwards, the age-old Struggle for Truth—the Struggle ‘against Time’—was, in the West, to enter a new phase. It was to identify itself with the political struggle to free Germany from the bondage imposed upon her by the victors of 1918, no less than with the more-than-political one against the causes of physical and moral decay that were—and still are—threatening the existence of the natural aristocracy of the Aryan race. And the National Socialist German Labourers’ Party—the famous N.S.D.A.P., which Adolf Hitler soon evolved out of the tiny group of idealists (seven, including himself) originally called Deutsche Arbeiter Partei, which he joined in 1919—was to be the one agent of the everlasting Force of Light and Life amidst the growing darkness of the Dark Age. I say: the one; for, contrarily to all other so-called movements of regeneration, religious and secular, this political and yet infinitely more than political Movement, attacked the very root of historical decay as such: biological decay, consequence of sin against the primary natural Commandant of blood purity; in other words (from the standpoint of original Perfection), sickness; tangible, physical untruth and that moral untruth (that false conception of ‘man’) which stands to the back of it.
 

________________

[1] Mein Kampf, p. 179.

[2] Ibid., p. 178.

[3] Ibid., p. 222.

[4] Ibid., pp. 223, 224-225.

[5] Kubizek, pp. 140 and following.

[6] Mein Kampf, p. 192.

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'Hitler' (book by Brendan Simms) Mein Kampf (book)

Hitler, 48

Chapter 5

Anglo-American power and German impotence

 
The main reason why Hitler withdrew from party management was his plan to write a ‘large book’, which he stated clearly in the declaration announcing his decision. This project began as a quasi-legal defence of his actions for the court. It soon developed into the idea of producing, as Hitler told Siegfried Wagner in early May 1924, a ‘comprehensive settlement of accounts with those gentlemen who cheered on 9 November’, in other words Kahr, Lossow and Seisser. No doubt hopeful of signing a sensational book with high sales, various publishers offered their services to Hitler, either in person or by letter. In time, however, the emphasis of the work changed again, probably in part thanks to some sort of explicit or implicit bargain with the Bavarian state to let sleeping dogs lie in return for a mild sentence. There were also positive reasons, however, for the new approach. Hitler wanted to use the relative peace of Landsberg to write a much broader manifesto elaborating the principles of National Socialism, charting a path to power for the movement and showing how Germany could regain her independence and great power status. The first volume of Mein Kampf, most of which was written or compiled in Landsberg, seems to have been largely a solo effort, with relatively little input from others. Julius Schaub, another inmate who later became his personal adjutant, recalled that Hitler wrote Mein Kampf ‘alone and without direct input from anyone’, not even Hess, who had joined him in Landsberg. Hitler typed the book himself, reading out or summarizing large sections to his fellow prisoners, who constituted an appreciative or at any rate a captive audience. Sometimes, he was moved to tears by his own words.

Incarceration gave Hitler a chance to read more widely and gather his thoughts. One of his main preoccupations in Landsberg was the United States, which he was corning to regard as the model state and society, perhaps even more so than the British Empire. ‘He ‘devoured’ the memoirs of a returned German emigrant to the United States. ‘One should take America as a model,’ he proclaimed. Hess wrote that Hitler was captivated by Henry Ford’s methods of production which made automobiles available to the ‘broad mass’ of the people. This appears to have been the genesis of the Volkswagen. Hitler envisaged that the automobile would further serve as ‘the small man’s means of transport into nature—as in America’. He also planned to apply methods of mass production to housing, and experimented with designs for a Volkshaus for families with three to five children which would have five rooms and a bathroom with a garage in large terraced settlements. He was equally determined not be outdone in the construction of ‘skyscrapers’, and looked forward to the consternation of the ‘Deutsch-Völkisch’ elements by putting the party headquarters into such an edifice. Quite apart from showing that Hitler had an interest in vernacular architecture, and not just in monumental public buildings, these plans prove that he was thinking of elevating the condition of the German working class through American­ style suburban and metropolitan modernity. This was the model of an ideal society against which he wrote Mein Kampf.

Modernity was not an end in itself, but a means by which the German people, especially the German working class and German women, could be mobilized in support of the project of national revival. Hitler exalted technological development—aeroplanes, typewriters, telephones and suspension bridges, and even domestic appliances. These would free German women from drudgery and enable them to be better wives producing more children. ‘How little our poor women benefit from progress,’ he lamented, ‘there is so much one can do to make [a woman’s life] easier with the help of technology! But most people still think today that a woman is only a good housewife if she is constantly dirty and working from early until late.’ ‘And then,’ Hitler continued, ‘one is surprised when the woman is not intellectual enough for the man, when he cannot find stimulation and recuperation.’ Worse still, he went on, this was ‘bad for the race’ because it was ‘obvious that his overtired wife will not have as healthy children as one who is well rested, can read good books and so on’. The link between what Hitler would later call the racial ‘elevation’ of Germany, technological progress and maintaining the standard of living is already evident here.

Part and parcel of this programme of racial improvement was Hitler’s support for what we would today call ‘alternative’ technology. ‘Every farm,’ he demanded, ‘which does not possess any alternative source of energy’ should set up a ‘wind motor with dynamo and rechargeable batteries’. This might not be possible in the current economic climate, Hitler continued., but it would be a viable long-term investment. He rejected the idea that technological change took the romance out of farming. ‘I couldn’t care less about a romanticism,’ he exclaimed, ‘which puts people behind frosted windows in the twilight, [and] which lets women age prematurely through hard work’. Hitler therefore sneered at the city folk who went into the country for a day, enthused about the scenery and then returned to their modem and efficient homes in the city. Hitler claimed to support ‘the preservation of nature’, but in his view it should take the form of national parks in the mountains. ‘Here too,’ Hitler concluded, ‘the Americans have made the right choice with their Yellowstone Park.’

In Landsberg, Hitler did not abate his ferocious hostility to international finance capitalism. He did, however, qualify some of his earlier ideas about ‘national’ economies. Significantly, he rejected the demands of the German automobile manufacturers to be protected against competition from Henry Ford through higher tariff barriers. ‘Our industry needs to exert itself and achieve the same performance,’ Hitler remarked. Once again, the United States was the explicit model.

Hitler was also taking on board the concept of Lebensraum. This was one of the key ideas of Hess’s teacher and patron Karl Haushofer, the doyen of German Geopolitik. He visited Hess in prison, bringing him copies of Clausewitz and Friedrich Ratzel’s ‘Political Geography’, one of the seminal geopolitical texts. While there is no hard evidence that Haushofer met Hitler on those occasions it is highly likely he did so, or at any rate that his ideas found their way to him. In mid July, there was a debate about Lebensraum at Landsberg, which began with some good-natured joshing in the garden and ended with Hitler’s ‘marvelling’ inner circle being provided with a lengthy definition of the term by Hess. Its essence was simple: every people required a certain ‘living space’ to feed and accommodate its growing population. The idea seemed to provide the answer to the main challenge facing the Reich, which was the emigration of its demographic surplus to the United States. This was part of an important shift in Hitler’s thinking, away from a potential Russo­ German alliance and the prevention of emigration through the restitution of German colonies, towards the capture of Lebensraum in the east, contiguous to an expanded German Reich. It had less to do with hatred of Bolshevism and eastern European Jewry, and more to do with the need to prepare the Reich for a confrontation or equal coexistence with an Anglo-America whose dynamism mesmerized Hitler more than ever.

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Film Mein Kampf (book)

Heydrich, 9

I have just watched the rest of Die Wannsee Conference from this point onwards (five minutes to the end).

I loved what Heydrich said to Kritzinger: he referred him to page 772 of Mein Kampf, where it is mentioned that poison gas should be used on the Hebrews. (I know I have said that I don’t like that book because I am very explicit and don’t like euphemisms. But I fully understand that in the face of the German people’s sensitivities, this sort of thing could only be said between the lines, or so far into the reading that few would read past page seven hundred.)

Shortly afterwards, with cognac, Heydrich toasts with Gruppenführer (Group leader) Heinrich Müller and Obersturmbannführer (Senior Assault-unit Leader) Otto Adolf Eichmann, and I asked myself a question.

If my beloved Nazis had won the war, would Disney Studios be putting out Star Wars films like the ultra-woke Acolyte, released this month, or would children be at home watching a healthier Disneyland (an anthology television series since 1954) as I did in the 1960s and early 70s? I remember one of those programmes, in black and white, where a teenage Billy Mummy discovered femininity through a beautiful white woman, within the decorum of the time, of course; and that gave me faith in Life.

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Judeo-reductionism Mein Kampf (book)

Esoteric v. exoteric

Did it bother the host of The West’s Darkest Hour that I was quoting the Führer (the last time I did so was this one)? Jamie’s last comment got me thinking a bit. If it is true that they are playing mind games with me, I am forced not to publish the rest of the twelve entries I had planned quoting Mein Kampf (which can be read, anyway, on this other website). However, about what was to be the eighth entry in that Mein Kampf series, ‘The Enemy’ referring to Jewry, I would like to say something.

As I have said countless times, Hitler’s worldview had both an exoteric side—prolefeed for the Christian Germans, exemplified in Mein Kampf and his public speeches—and an esoteric side—anti-Christian statements to a select group of friends—. What was to be the eighth entry, ‘The Enemy’, is indistinguishable from the worldview currently held by white nationalists!

For new visitors to this site, my post from the day before yesterday, ‘Christian Cup’ is so compact and didactic that yesterday I edited it slightly and promoted it to what is known in WordPress as a ‘page’ to distinguish it from ordinary ‘posts’. I’m referring to the articles that appear in red letters at the top of this page by clicking ‘Menu’. As can be seen, there is a new entry with a long title, ‘My difference with white nationalism in a nutshell’, which applies both to American white nationalism in this century and to the exoteric facet of German NS in the last century.

It is curious that none of the white nationalist Americans who have devoted themselves to studying NS, such as Mark Weber and Carolyn Yeager, are well-versed in the esoteric side of NS. I guess that they still have ties to many Christians in the movement and that they don’t want to rock the boat with these disturbing revelations. And to be completely honest, even compared to the esoteric part of the NS we have taken a step further than Uncle Adolf did in the previous century, as can be seen from what I say on pages 159-160 of this PDF.

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Mein Kampf (book)

The words of Adolf Hitler, 3

III:  COMMUNITY

The instinct to preserve one’s own kind is the first cause for the formation of human communities . . .

 I:4
The question of instilling national pride in a people is, among other things, primarily a question of creating healthy social conditions as a basis for the possibility of educating the individual.  For only those who through school and upbringing learn to know the cultural, economic, but above all the political greatness of their own fatherland can and will acquire inner pride in the privilege of belonging to such a people. I:2
Social activity must never and on no account see its task in inane welfare schemes, as ridiculous as they are useless, but rather in the elimination of basic deficiencies in the organization of our economic and cultural life that must—or in any event can—lead to the debasement of the individual. I:2
Social endeavor . . . can raise no claim whatsoever to gratitude, since its function is not to dispense favors but to restore rights. I:2
Indeed, the possibility of preserving a healthy farming community as a foundation for the whole nation can never be valued highly enough.  Many of our present-day woes are simply the result of an unhealthy relationship between our rural and city population.  A solid stock of small and moderate-size farmers has at all times been the best defense against social ills such as we possess today. I:4
. . . The racial state will have to arrive at a basically different attitude toward the concept of work.  It will if necessary—even by education extending over centuries—have to break with the nonsense of despising physical activity.  On principle it will have to evaluate the individual man not by the kind of work he does, but by the form and quality of his achievement. II:2
The evaluation of a man must be based on the manner in which he fulfills the task entrusted to him by the community.  For the activity which an individual performs is not the purpose of his existence, but merely a means towards it.  It is more important that he develop and ennoble himself as a man; but this he can only do within the framework of his cultural community, which must always rest upon the foundation of a state.  He must make his contribution to the preservation of this foundation.  The form of this contribution is determined by Nature; his duty is simply to return to the racial community with honest effort what it has given him.  He who does this deserves the highest esteem and the highest respect. II:2
. . . Honest work, no matter of what kind, is never a disgrace. I:2
The dedication of every National Socialist is demonstrated first of all by his readiness to work and by his diligence and ability in accomplishing the work entrusted to him by the racial community. II:11
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Mein Kampf (book)

The words of Adolf Hitler, 2

II:  RACE

 

All occurrences in world history are merely an expression of the racial instinct for self-preservation, in a good or bad sense.

I:11

The inner nature of peoples always determines the way in which outward influences will have an effect.  What leads one to starvation will train others for hard work.

I:11

That which is not of good race in this world is chaff.

I:11

. . . The racialist world view finds the importance of mankind in its basic racial elements.  On principle it views the state as but a means to an end and conceives that end to be the racial existence of man.  Thus, by no means does it believe in the equality of the races, but along with their difference it recognizes their higher and lesser value and feels itself obligated, through this knowledge, to promote the victory of the better and stronger, and demand the subordination of the inferior and weaker in accordance with the eternal Will that dominates this universe.  Thus, on principle, it embraces the basic aristocratic idea of Nature and believes in the validity of this law down to the last individual.  . . . It believes in the necessity of an idealization of mankind, which in turn it sees the sole premise for the existence of mankind.  But it cannot grant the right to existence even to an ethical idea if this idea represents a danger for the racial life of the bearers of a higher ethic; for in a bastardized and negrified world all concepts of the humanly beautiful and sublime, as well as all ideas of an idealized future for mankind, would be lost forever.

II:2

All great questions of the day are questions of the moment and represent merely the effects of definite causes.  Only one among them all, however, possesses casual importance: the question of the racial preservation of the nation.

I:12

Everything on this Earth is capable of improvement.  Every defeat can become the father of a subsequent victory, every lost war the cause of a later resurgence, every hardship the fertilization of human energy; and from every oppression the forces for a new spiritual rebirth can come—as long as the blood is kept pure.

I:11

The Germanic inhabitant of the American continent, who has remained racially pure and unmixed, rose to become master of the same; he will remain master as long as he does not fall victim to defilement of the blood.

I:11

Sin against the blood and against the race is the original sin in this world and the end of a humanity which surrenders to it.

I:10

No, there is only one holiest human right, and this right is at the same time the holiest obligation, namely: to make sure that the blood is kept pure and, by preserving the best humanity, to create the possibility of a nobler development of these beings.

II:2

A racial state must therefore begin by raising marriage from the level of a continuous defilement of the race, and give it the consecration of an institution which is called upon to produce images of the Lord and not monstrosities halfway between man and ape.

II:2

For the will of God gave men their form, their being and their abilities.  He who destroys His work declares war upon the creation of the Lord and upon the divine Will.

II:10

He who dares to lay hands upon the highest image of the Lord blasphemes against the benevolent creator of this miracle and contributes to the expulsion from paradise.

II:1

Categories
Matt Koehl Mein Kampf (book)

The words of Adolf Hitler, 1

In the foreword to the booklet The Words of Adolf Hitler, published by New Order in 1990 and reprinted in 2002, Matt Koehl told us:

Every age on Earth is represented by a name, by an extraordinary figure who appears but once in thousands of years to give mankind a new symbol, a new law to guide and inform its destiny.

The great figure and archetype of our age is Adolf Hitler. At a time of greatest danger to our race, this immortal being was sent to remind us of the eternal laws of life.

The words which this man spoke are the words of life for our race. Without them, there is no hope. Without them, our kind has no future on this planet. Without them, our race is doomed to extinction…

To make the teachings of Adolf Hitler more accessible to the adherents of our Movement, as well as others, we offer this selection of some of the most relevant and poignant quotations contained in that monumental work.

Koehl was referring to Mein Kampf. After I finished reading the below passages, I thought that what Hitler wrote is very true. Arguably, the whole zeitgeist of the West today is to try to violate the laws of Nature and believe that it is possible to get away with it!:

I:  NATURE

Ultimate wisdom always consists in understanding the instinctive causes—that is:  a man must never fall into the madness of believing that he has really risen to be lord and master over Nature—which is so easily induced by the conceit of half-education—but must understand the fundamental necessity of Nature’s rule, and realize how much his existence is subject to these laws of eternal combat and upward struggle. Then he will sense that in a universe where planets revolve around suns, and moons turn about planets, where force alone forever masters weakness, compelling it to be an obedient servant or else crushing it, there can be no special laws for man. For him, too, the eternal principles of this ultimate wisdom hold sway. He can try to grasp them; but escape them, never.

 I:10
When man tries to rebel against the iron logic of Nature, he comes into conflict with principles to which he himself owes his existence as man. And so his action against Nature must lead to his own downfall. I:11
Here too, of course, Nature can be mocked for a certain time, but her revenge will not fail to appear.  It just takes time to manifest itself, or rather, it is often recognized too late by man. I:10
Eternal Nature inexorably avenges the infringement of her commands. I:2
. . . This planet once moved through space for millions of years without human beings, and it can do so again some day if men forget that they owe their higher existence, not to the ideas of a few crazy ideologues, but to the knowledge and ruthless application of Nature’s iron-clad laws. I:11
. . . It is life alone that all things must serve. I:8
Categories
Mein Kampf (book) Pedagogy Souvenirs et réflexions d'une aryenne (book)

Against compulsory education

It’s curious, but these days I have been thinking that what was missing for my worldview to be complete was a critique of the traditional pedagogical system (which, by the way, contributed greatly to destroying my adolescent life). And today, in the same chapter of the Heydrich quote I posted yesterday, I come across this passage from Savitri Devi:

The absolute rejection of ‘free and compulsory’ education—the same for all—is another of the main features that bring the society that Adolf Hitler dreamed of establishing, and already that of the Third Reich itself, closer to the traditional societies of the past. Already in Mein Kampf the idea of identical education for young men and women is rejected with the utmost rigour.

It isn’t possible to give the same education to young people whom Nature has destined to different and complementary functions. Similarly, one cannot teach the same things, and in the same spirit, even to young people of the same sex who, later on, will have to engage in unrelated activities. To do so would be to burden their memory with a heap of information which they, for the most part, have no use for while, at the same time, depriving them of valuable knowledge and neglecting the formation of their character.

Later on, Savitri continues:

Hitler considered the superficial study of foreign languages and the sciences to be particularly useless for the great majority of the sons (and even more so for the daughters) of the folk… But there is more, and much more. In a European society dominated by its Germanic elite, such as the Führer would have rebuilt it (if he had been able), education, culture and even more the practical probability of advanced spiritual development, had to regain the secret character—properly initiatory—which they had had in the most remote antiquity, among the Aryan peoples and others: the Germans of the Bronze Age as well as in the Egypt of the Pharaohs, and India. They were to be reserved for the privileged.

And finally:

The secrecy of all science in the future Hitlerian civilisation and the efforts already made under the Third Reich to limit, as far as possible, the misdeeds of general education—that ‘most corrosive poison’ of liberalism—evoke the curse that, thousands of years ago and in all traditional societies, was aimed at all those who would have divulged, especially to people of impure blood, the knowledge which the priests had given to them.

Can you see why the science educators who used TV for the masses, Bronowski and Sagan, were wrong on this point?