“Blood mixture and the resultant drop in the racial level is the sole cause of the dying out of old cultures; for men do not perish as a result of lost wars, but by the loss of that force of resistance which is contained only in pure blood”.
“The application of force alone, without moral support based on a spiritual concept, can never bring about the destruction of an idea or arrest the propagation of it, unless one is ready and able ruthlessly to exterminate the last upholders of that idea even to a man, and also wipe out any tradition which it may tend to leave behind”.
(Chapter 5 – The World War)
I gradually became aware that the Social Democratic press was directed predominantly by Jews; yet I did not attribute any special significance to this circumstance, since conditions were exactly the same in the other papers. Yet one fact seemed conspicuous: there was not one paper with Jews working on it which could have been regarded as truly national according to my education and way of thinking […].
In regard to the Jewish problem, do not the two Christian denominations take up a standpoint today which does not respond to the national exigencies or even the interests of religion?
“For the political leader the religious doctrines and institutions of his people must always remain inviolable; or else has no right to be in politics, but should become a reformer, if he has what it takes!” —Mein Kampf, chapter 3: Political Reflections Arising out of my Sojourn in Vienna.
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Editor’s Note:
This must be why this blog has become almost a ghost town! I aspire to become a religious reformer, not a politician who has to deal with normies…
“The anti-Semitism of the new movement [Christian Social movement] was based on religious ideas instead of racial knowledge… It was obvious, however, that this kind of anti-Semitism did not upset the Jews very much, simply because it had a purely religious foundation. If the worst came to the worst a few drops of baptismal water would settle the matter, hereupon the Jew could still carry on his business safely and at the same time retain his Jewish nationality”.
—Mein Kampf, chapter 3: Political Reflections Arising out of my Sojourn in Vienna.
is the 100th anniversary
of the publication of the first
volume of Mein Kampf.
and the Sun, 11
It is written in Mein Kampf:
Poison can only be overcome through counter-poison, and only a shallow bourgeois mind can consider the middle line as the way to Paradise.[1]
A philosophy filled with infernal intolerance will only be broken through a clear and absolutely true new idea animated with the same spirit and defended with the same tremendous will-power.
One may, today, well regret that, in the Ancient World, which was much freer than ours, the first moral terror appeared with the coming of Christianity; one cannot, however, put in doubt the fact that the world has been, since then, dominated and oppressed through tyranny, and that tyranny can only be broken through tyranny, and terror through terror. Then only can new conditions — constructive ones — be created.
[Emphasis by Ed.]Political parties are inclined to compromise; creeds, never. Political parties take contradictors into account; creeds proclaim their own infallibility.[2]
That which gave Marxism its success was the perfect collaboration of political will and militant brutality. That which prevented national Germany from moulding German evolution was the absence of a decisive collaboration of brutal force and of the political will of a man of genius.[3]
The conviction that one has the right to use even the most brutal weapons always goes hand in hand with fanatical faith in the necessity of the victory of a revolutionary new order upon this earth.
A movement that is not fighting for such high aims and ideals, will therefore never resort to the most extreme means (or weapons).[4]
These and other such sentences (there are many more in what one could call the Book of the new Aryan faith) define with amazing exactitude the National Socialist Movement as an upheaval ‘against Time,’ and point out the fundamental difference between Adolf Hitler and all such great historical figures as I have, in these pages, described as men ‘above Time’ and men ‘in Time’ — ‘Sun’ men, and ‘Lightning’ men. They glaringly show how foolish it is to compare the Founder of National Socialism with Napoleon — as so many have done — or to accept the well-meant but no less erroneous — though by far less popular — description which a few of his English followers have boldly given of him as a ‘political Christ.’ [5]
Napoleon is but the pocket edition of Genghis Khan. Yet — considered from the cosmic standpoint — he is a man of the same sort as he: a war-lord and an organiser who put his genius to the service of his family and of nothing more, not, by any means, because he saw, or thought he could see, in it, the vehicle of some great impersonal Idea, but simply because it was his. In other words: a man altogether ‘in Time.’ Men ‘in Time’ either have no ideology at all and do not pretend to have any, or they pretend to serve a faith ‘above Time’ or ‘against Time’ and exploit the latter for their own ends (like all the false Christians who fought for themselves in God’s name, and all the false National Socialists for whom the struggle under the Swastika Flag was only a means to work themselves into power) or else — like the sincere Marxists — they have an Ideology which is, itself, an Ideology ‘in Time’; an Ideology which is in contradiction with the divine final y of Creation, and therefore expresses the will of the Death-forces. […]
Adolf Hitler is a typical Man ‘against Time’ — like Rama, like Lord Krishna, the most widely remembered Aryan heroes who fought and ruled in India already before, or at the dawn of, this Dark Age, and, nearer to us, like the very noblest Figure of the Arab world, the Prophet Mohamed. As I said in the beginning of this book, all real great men ‘against Time’ are, ultimately, also ‘above Time,’ inasmuch as any ideal of integral Perfection is necessarily timeless. In other words, that towards which the great men ‘against Time’ strive — Adolf Hitler like the others — is ‘God’; Perfection beyond Time as the Archetype and Principle of that perfect, tangible life-order which they seek to bring — to bring back; or rather to hasten back; — into the world. But they thoroughly know that no changes upon this earth, and especially no changes in the direction of primaeval Perfection in and, which is more, at the end of this Dark Age, can be brought about without violence. They know — infallibly — that, the more the Forces of disintegration and death are successful, i.e., the more the Dark Age is advanced, the more violence is indispensable in order to break the current of decay [emphasis by Ed.]; at least in order to stand in the way of the rush of Time, as a witness (and an active precursor) of the coming glorious Dawn of the next Time-cycle. And they accept that physical necessity. Contrarily even to those men ‘above Time’ who, such as Akhenaton of Egypt, dream of an earthly ‘Kingdom of God,’ they are prepared to make use of violence — of ‘utmost brutality,’ to quote Adolf Hitler’s own words — to the extent it is to forward the sacred purpose: ‘the destruction of evil-doers and the establishment on earth of the reign of Righteousness,’ of which it is spoken in the Bhagavad-Gita; the foundation of the socio-political order which is ‘in harmony with the original meaning of things’ — true to the eternal cosmic Order — as again Adolf Hitler has, with, crystal-clear insight, understood and proclaimed.
The very fact of historical existence — existence within Time — sets a dilemma before all those who already strive towards Perfection; they must either turn their backs to this world of strife altogether, and seek the timeless inner Kingdom of Peace, which is not of this earth; or, if that which they want be an earthly paradise, seek it, by all means, against the current of Time; against the formidable and ever-increasing pressure of the Death-forces throughout any Time-cycle and, specially near the end of one, but then, far from renouncing violence, fight the Forces of disintegration with the self-same ruthless weapons as they use; with violence; with the impact of quantity; and, if necessary — if expedient — even with lies; with the weapons of the Dark Age, the only ones which can and will match theirs.
For centuries, perhaps for millenniums — perhaps ever since the day Lord Krishna proclaimed upon the Kurukshetra battle-field the Gospel of detached Violence, creed of every hero ‘against Time’ — no man has understood that dilemma so clearly, and faced it with such boldness and such consistency as Adolf Hitler [emphasis by Ed.]. And unless one also understands it; unless one at least realises that it is a dilemma — i.e., that one cannot go both ways and that, after one has chosen, one is to tread the path to its end — one will behold neither the evolution of National Socialism (before 1933; between 1933 and 1945; and after 1945) not the history of the Second World War, which is narrowly connected with it, nor the subsequent history of our times, in the proper light. And any judgement one might, then, pass, will be false from the cosmic — and a fortiori from the historical — point of view.
___________
[1] Mein Kampf, p. 371.
[2] Mein Kampf, p. 507.
[3] Mein Kampf, p. 596.
[4] Mein Kampf, p. 597.
[5] The expression was used by Molly Stamford, an English woman detained during the war under the 18 B act.
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The Lightning & the Sun by Savitri Devi (Counter-Currents Publishing, 2014, unabridged edition) can be ordered here.
The principal method through which Hitler sought to reestablish control over the party was through ideological purity and coherence. He did this the hard way, seeking to achieve uniformity across a range of highly contentious issues. Hitler could not simply impose his views: he had to cajole and persuade. This was done through speeches, declarations, debates and, from the end of 1925, through the publication in succession of the two volumes of Mein Kampf. These were only partly written from scratch at Landsberg and after his release, the rest being cobbled together from various articles and instructions, and even from drafts dating back to before the Putsch. Much of Mein Kampf originated as a direct response to the political events of 1925-6, and Hitler used the text to lay down the law, at least implicitly, not just to the membership but also to his internal critics. For this reason the book needs to be seen in the context of the many contemporaneous statements he made before and after publication…
Much of what Hitler said in Mein Kampf and his various speeches rehearsed familiar themes from the time before the Putsch. There was the same focus on the forces of domestic fragmentation. Hitler inveighed once more against the ‘mendacity of these so-called federalist circles’ who were only promoting their ‘dirty’ party interest. He continued to fulminate about the disintegrative effect of Marxism, and to lament the alienation of German workers. Hitler rose to new heights of invective against the German middle class, whom he dismissed as ‘philistines’, ‘bourgeois boobies’, who were so befuddled by the ‘fug of associational meetings’ that they were unable to transcend the ‘usual jingoism of our bourgeois world of today’. He contrasted the robustness of the SA, who knew that ‘terror can only be broken by terror’, with ‘bourgeois wimpishness’. Hitler also trenchantly restated his objections to parliamentarism and electoral politics, and western democracy in general, concluding that the ‘majority principle’ amounted to ‘the demolition of the Führer idea as such’.
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Editor’s note: In the American racial right I have never seen a critical attitude to democracy, which we could define as the secular religion of the ‘divine right of the people’. Nor do we know a critique of the bourgeoisie. Fortunately, today’s progressive religion is so delusional that even the rich of Pacific Palisades in California are, at this very hour, being punished by the loss of their mansions. The time will come when the whole American nation will go up in flames, when its precious dollar will collapse (a crisis that, fortunately, will also affect the rest of the degenerate, Mammon-worshipping West)…
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The main danger of Germany’s internal weakness was that it made her vulnerable to external attack, especially from the enemies that Hitler feared most: international capitalism, Anglo-America and the associated forces of world Jewry. Hitler critiqued the economics of inequality and exploitation, the ‘jarring juxtaposition of poor and rich so close to each other’, the ‘role of money’, in which ‘money [became] God’ and ‘the false God of Mammon was offered incense’. He became increasingly convinced that ‘the heaviest battle to be fought was no longer against enemy peoples but against international capital’. Here Hitler insisted more than ever on his earlier distinction between national capital, which the state could control, and pernicious international capital, which controlled states or sought to do so. One of its principal instruments of subjugation was revolutionary Marxism, which undermined national economies, societies and governments. Others were economic immiseration and racial contamination, both of which also reduced the capacity of nations to resist international takeover. For Hitler, maintaining an independent national economy was therefore absolutely central to the defence of national identity, sovereignty and racial purity. Hitler violently objected to international capitalism even when it was not Jewish, but he assigned the Jews a particularly malevolent role within the global capitalist system; this remained the principal root of his antisemitism. In Mein Kampf, as in his earlier rhetoric, Jews were inseparably linked with money and the whole capitalist system as ‘traders’, as ‘middlemen’, who levied an ‘extortionate rate of interest’ for their ‘financial deals’. Jewry, he claimed, aimed at nothing less that the ‘financial domination of the entire economy’. Yet because ‘a Bolshevized world can only survive if it encompasses everything’, a ‘single independent state’—such as a revived Germany—could bring the whole juggernaut to a standstill…
Hitler returned to this theme in Mein Kampf, when he said that ‘for purely emotional reasons one should not show the masses two or more enemies, because this would otherwise lead to a complete fragmentation of their striking power’…
Hitler’s rhetoric was thus far more anti-capitalist than anti-communist: references to Dawes in his speeches dwarfed those to Lenin at this time. He continued to fear Bolshevism, not in the form of the Red Army, but principally as a virus which would render Germany ripe for takeover by the forces of international capitalism.
Worse still, Hitler claimed, international capitalism sought to destroy the German bloodline by ‘contamination through Negro blood on the Rhine’ (an allusion to colonial soldiers in the French forces of occupation) in order to ‘begin the bastardization of the European continent from its central point’. Contamination of the blood, he warned, could only be removed in the course of ‘centuries, if at all’. In this narrative, German mass emigration took on a particular importance. Hitler saw it as part of a concerted plan to destroy the biological substance of German people going back centuries. ‘The German people had to send out their sons,’ Hitler lamented, with the result that for some three hundred years, Germans had served as ‘beasts of burden for other nations’ and had moved to ‘Australia, Central America and South America’. He would return to this theme over and over in the years to come.
Jaime Lannister pushes Bran Stark.
‘Every flight begins with a fall’, said the three-eyed raven to Bran the Broken.
Given that this blog’s subtitle has been ‘National Socialism post-1945’ since yesterday, I would like to offer my humble comments on the previous post. Below I quote a few paragraphs from The Lightning and the Sun, considered by some to be the magnum opus of Savitri Devi, Hitler’s priestess after the fateful 1945.
All everlasting things are born in silence and away from the lime-light of publicity; in faith and in truth.
Following the metaphor of my featured post, this reminds me of the words of the three-eyed raven to Bran the Broken: ‘Darkness shall be your cloak, your shield, your mother´s milk. Darkness will make you strong.’ The raven is talking about the power of magic, specifically, the kind he himself practices: invisible, omniscient (or at least the wisest mind), working subtly behind the scenes. Bran wanted to be a knight to make a difference in the world. The raven is telling him that it won’t happen the way he originally imagined because Jaime broke his spine, but it could still happen differently.
At present, the National Socialist is as handicapped as Bran. But precisely because of this handicap he can potentially become wise if he stays in the cave long enough: something the knights who now triumph in the world cannot do.
And whatever is not born in such a manner, does not last. However noisy and widespread be its success, it will not stand the test of time and that of persecution, let alone the terrible impact of the storm in which a Time-cycle comes to its end.
Those conservative knights who feel their time has come with Trump’s victory will not last long, since their egalitarian and mongrel ideology (cf. what Morgan recently said at the end of this post) also leads to Aryan extinction. Savitri quotes Mein Kampf:
We have to fight to secure the existence and expansion of our race and of our people; to enable them to nourish their children and to preserve the purity of their blood; to secure the freedom of our Fatherland...
So it was not David Lane who first uttered the sacred words, but Uncle Adolf. Therefore, I would like to clarify something about the other indented quotes in the previous post, which are also taken from Mein Kampf.
I have said that I don’t like Hitler’s best-known book because it isn’t a sufficiently lyric work. I would like to clarify that statement.
Two books that have revolutionised my mind are Bernal Díaz del Castillo’s The True History of the Conquest of New Spain (i.e., Mexico) and Alexandr Solzhenitsyn’s The Gulag Archipelago. However, both books are flawed because of the inordinate length of the texts. People I know are advised to read Bernal’s until the conquest of Tenochtitlan. A good editor would have cut the book in half to make it read like a novel. But Spanish-speaking editors haven’t been as clever as Edward E. Ericson Jr. was in abridging the Archipelago in such a way as to make it readable and highly entertaining for the common reader.
The same must be said of Mein Kampf: it needs someone like Ericson to abbreviate it. Once abridged, Mein Kampf would be as entertaining as Bernal’s or Alexandr’s. It could even be read by alienated whites with the same entertainment as it is now possible to read Hitler’s Table Talk. Savitri continues:
And aware of the primary cause of downfall: racial mixture, the result of forgetfulness of Nature’s truth. And aware of that truth, expressed in the oldest Book of Aryan Wisdom, the Bhagavad-Gita: ‘Out of the corruption of women proceeds the confusion of races; out of the confusion of races, the loss of memory; out of the loss of memory, the loss of understanding; and out of this, all evil.’
If we recall the recent photo I posted about the Indian woman the US vice-president-elect married (an Indian woman who could be the first lady in 2029), it will be more than clear that the trumpets of victory being blown by the racial right lack the depth of darkness that is the mantle and milk that Bran the Broken is fed.
…his [Hitler’s] ultimate aim remained to raise her [Germany] to that organised power which, in the light of traditional Wisdom, can only be termed as a ‘State against Time’—nay, the ‘State against Time.’
The triumphant knights ignore that it is not their country but Germania the state that rebelled against the Christian zeitgeist, and that only by adopting National Socialism could the Aryans save themselves on this side of the Atlantic (something Rockwell saw clearly but Pierce and his epigones have utterly failed to see).
They beheld in him the Leader, the Avenger, the Saviour—the living embodiment of their unvanquished collective Self, which indeed he was. And they followed him blindly. Their love carried him to power; their love, and their hatred for those whom he rightly pointed out to them as the promoters of the humiliation of 1918 and of all the subsequent misery: the Jews, and the servants of Jewry, agents of the Dark Forces by nature or by choice, Germany’s—and the world’s—real enemies.
My emphasis in bold. It should come as no surprise that a nation that began with the myth of founding a Zionist citadel atop a hill is as it is today. By destroying Germania this nation became the enemy of Europe. If National Socialism can no longer resurface on the continent where I live, it should resurface in the Old World.
and the Sun, 7
Adolf Hitler’s second and even more shattering experience of the horror of the present Age began on the 10th of November 1918, as he stood, half-blind from the effects of poisonous gas, among his wounded comrades in a hospital hall at Pasewalk in Pomerania, and heard from the clergyman the latest news: the ‘November revolution’ and Germany’s capitulation; the tragic end of the first World War.
More than four years before, he had joined the war with enthusiasm, as a volunteer in a Bavarian regiment, not in an Austrian one, clearly showing thereby that he was prepared to die anytime for the German people and ‘for the Reich that embodied them,’[1] though not for ‘the State of the Habsburgs’—that artificial State of many nationalities. For he considered the war in no way as an Austrian concern, but as a struggle of the German people (including, naturally, those of Austria) ‘for their existence’[2]—as a just war. And, he had done his duty thoroughly; faithfully. And although he had, for months already, (especially since the general strike of 1917) been fearing —feeling—that some diabolical traitors’ intrigues were being carried on to rob the German front-soldier of a victory which he well deserved, yet he had not expected such an end, and so suddenly….
The grief, the indignation and temporary despair that took him over as he abruptly acquired ‘the most horrible certitude in his life’[3] are so eloquently described in Mein Kampf that nothing can throw more light upon the future, Führer’s state of mind than an extensive, quotation of his own words:
I could not remain any longer’ (i.e. remain hearing the news). ‘While my eyes once more stared into darkness, I sought my way back to the dormitory, threw myself upon my bed, and buried my burning head under the quilts and pillows.
Since the day I had stood before my mother’s grave, I had not wept. When, in my youth, Destiny had been mercilessly harsh to me, I had faced it with growing defiance. When during the long years of the war, death had taken many a dear comrade and friend of mine from our ranks, it would have seemed to me nearly a sin to complain—for they had died for Germany. And when, in the days of the terrible struggle, the slowly advancing gas had taken me in its grip, and begun to gnaw into my eyes, and when the fear of becoming blind for ever had made me feel, for a second, as though I would weaken, the voice of conscience had thundered to me: ‘Miserable wretch! You feel like weeping, while thousands are faring worse than yourself!’ And I had put up with my lot in silence. But now I could not help weeping. Now I experienced how completely every personal suffering fades away before the misfortune of one’s Fatherland.
So, it had all been in vain! In vain all our sacrifices, and all the hardships we had endured; in vain, hunger and thirst, for months without end; in vain, the hours in which, facing the terror of death, we had yet done our duty; and in vain, the death of two million men! Would not the graves of the hundreds of thousands who had gone forth full of faith in the Fatherland, never to return, break open and release the dumb heroes covered with mud and blood,—release them as revengeful spirits among the people at home, who had treated so disdainfully the highest sacrifice which a man can offer his country? Had they died for that, the soldiers of August and September 1914? Had the regiments of volunteers, in the autumn of the same year, followed for that the elder comrades? Had those boys of seventeen sunk for that into Flanders’ earth? Was that the object of the sacrifice that German mothers had brought the Fatherland when, with a grieving heart, they had sent the boys to their duty, never to see them, again? Had all that happened in order to enable, now, a handful of criminals to set their grip upon the Fatherland?!! … The more I tried, then, to think clearly about the monstrous event, the more my forehead burnt with indignation and shame. What was all the pain I felt in my eyes, compared with this wretchedness?
What followed, were appalling days and still worse nights. I knew that all was lost. Only fools—fools or … liars and criminals—could put their hope in the enemy’s mercy. During those nights, hatred grew in me, hatred against the originators of that deed.
In those days, I also became aware of my destiny. Now, I could only laugh at the thought of my own future, that had caused me such bitter worry only a short time before. Was it not ridiculous to build houses upon such foundations as this? At last it was clear to me that the very thing which I so often already had feared, without ever being able, in my heart, to believe it, had now happened.
Emperor William the Second had been the first German emperor to hold out his hand to the leaders of Marxism, in a gesture of reconciliation, without knowing that rascals have no honour. While they still held the Emperor’s hand in one of theirs, their other one was already seeking for the dagger.
With Jews, no pactising policy is possible, but only that of the hard ‘either—or.’
‘I decided to become a politician.’ [4]
This heart-rending autobiographical account could—historically—be described as: the passage of National Socialism from the stage of an expectant or latent incarnate Idea, to that of an active one.
Surely the incarnate Idea is, when not as old as Adolf Hitler himself, at least as old as his earliest awakening to socio-political, nay, to philosophical consciousness in general. And that took place very early: already in Linz, when not before. Yet, then, and in Vienna, although his interest in social and political problems grew and grew with the daily experience of injustice and misery, and still in Münick, after 1912, the future ruler continued to think of himself primarily as of a future architect. There may have been moments, of course, in which he thought, or at least felt, differently. There were such moments—one such moment at least, and a great one,—already in his life in Linz, if we are to believe Kubizek’s account of it.[5] But the artist’s immediate goal soon reappeared. Horrible as—in Vienna, at any rate—many of them doubtless were, the experiences of daily life were not sufficiently appalling to push it out of sight altogether. Nay, during the war, when more and more aware of the necessity of opposing to the forces of international Socialism a national organisation which would be free from the weaknesses of the Parliamentary system, Hitler had begun to think seriously of becoming politically active, he had merely visualised himself speaking in public ‘while carrying on his profession.’[6] Now, his profession, nay, his art,—for he still was, and could but remain, fundamentally, an artist,—was out of question. Every activity which was not to contribute directly and immediately to free Germany from the consequences and specially from the causes of defeat, was, out of question; and that, not merely because Adolf Hitler loved Germany above all things, but because that more-than-human intuition that classes him among the few great seers of mankind, told him that Germany’s real, deeper interest was—is, absolutely,—the real interest of Creation;—the ‘interest of the Universe,’ again to quote the immortal words of the Bhagavad-Gita. (And it is not an accident,—not a mere coincidence,—that I, a non-German Aryan intimately connected with England, Greece and India, should stress this fact. It is a sign; a symbol; the first expression of the homage of worldwide Aryandom to the latest Man ‘against Time’ and to the truly chosen Nation).
Out of the abyss of powerless despair—from that bed of, suffering upon which the nameless corporal Adolf Hitler lay weeping over Germany’s fate while his blinded eyes burned in their sockets, like red-hot embers; out of his appalling certitude that ‘all was lost,’ that ‘all had been in vain’—rose the defiant Will to freedom and Will to power of an invincible people and, beyond that, and greater than that, the perennial cosmic Will to Perfection in all its majesty; the will of the German soldier who had fought in Flanders and—identical to it; expressing itself through it,—the impesonal and irresistible Will of the eternal Warrior and Seer above Time and ‘against Time’; the Will of Him Who comes back age after age, ‘when all is lost,’ ‘when evil rules supreme,’ to re-establish on earth the reign of Righteousness.
From then onwards, the age-old Struggle for Truth—the Struggle ‘against Time’—was, in the West, to enter a new phase. It was to identify itself with the political struggle to free Germany from the bondage imposed upon her by the victors of 1918, no less than with the more-than-political one against the causes of physical and moral decay that were—and still are—threatening the existence of the natural aristocracy of the Aryan race. And the National Socialist German Labourers’ Party—the famous N.S.D.A.P., which Adolf Hitler soon evolved out of the tiny group of idealists (seven, including himself) originally called Deutsche Arbeiter Partei, which he joined in 1919—was to be the one agent of the everlasting Force of Light and Life amidst the growing darkness of the Dark Age. I say: the one; for, contrarily to all other so-called movements of regeneration, religious and secular, this political and yet infinitely more than political Movement, attacked the very root of historical decay as such: biological decay, consequence of sin against the primary natural Commandant of blood purity; in other words (from the standpoint of original Perfection), sickness; tangible, physical untruth and that moral untruth (that false conception of ‘man’) which stands to the back of it.
________________
[1] Mein Kampf, p. 179.
[2] Ibid., p. 178.
[3] Ibid., p. 222.
[4] Ibid., pp. 223, 224-225.
[5] Kubizek, pp. 140 and following.
[6] Mein Kampf, p. 192.
